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71.
Jeronimo Cortina 《政策研究杂志》2014,42(1):101-121
Migration theories often ignore the role that states play in stimulating migration through public assistance policies. Using the case of Mexico, this article explores the role of the state as a migrant‐producing actor by examining the relationship between migration and social assistance policies in the form of monetary cash transfers. It argues that direct, unconditional cash transfers, like those provided by agricultural programs such as Procampo, rather than providing the incentives needed to retain individuals in their home country, may instead be providing the resources needed to migrate, particularly if the amount of the transfer is insufficient to spur investment. Instead of discouraging migration by enhancing economic opportunities and reducing poverty, such policies can actually make it easier and more appealing for its beneficiaries to migrate. 相似文献
72.
In the face of the reemerging threat of preventable diseases and the simultaneous vaccine risk controversy, what explains variations in Americans’ policy preferences regarding childhood vaccinations? Using original data from a recent nationwide Internet survey of 1,213 American adults, this research seeks to explain differing public opinions on childhood vaccination policies and related issues of governance. As Mary Douglas and Aaron Wildavsky's grid‐group cultural theory of policy preference formation suggests, cultural biases have a significant impact on the formation of preferences toward various vaccination policies. Hierarchs are in support of mandatory vaccination, oppose religious and philosophical exemption, and believe the government should preside over vaccination‐related decisions. Fatalists strike a bold contrast in their opposition to mandatory vaccination policy and support for religious and philosophical exemptions and the role of parents in deciding on vaccinations. Falling between hierarchs and fatalists, egalitarian support for vaccinations is stronger than individualists‘. 相似文献
73.
Rebecca Lane 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2014,21(2):195-210
Although idealizations of motherhood are ever in flux, specific historical moments can be said to produce distinctive tropes of ‘good’ motherhood that have very real impacts on how women act and conceptualize themselves as mothers. This article examines good motherhood in its current iteration, and how now-common beliefs about breastfeeding are implicated in its construction. Furthermore, it looks at the ways in which idealizations of motherhood discipline the breastfeeding body so that it will fit into public space without disruption. I discuss the contradictory impacts of characterizations of the good mother as they appeared in the pro-breastfeeding dialogs that arose following a 2007 incident in which a mother was asked to cover herself up while nursing in a Kentucky restaurant. I posit that while these characterizations helped to make breastfeeding a more widely accepted public activity, they also had the effect of reifying a very narrow conception of what it means to be a good mother. I make this claim through an analysis of two common refrains heard in pro-public-breastfeeding arguments: breast milk is exceedingly healthy and mothers should not be persecuted if they nurse discreetly. Although these assertions together are compelling to the general public in that they provide a scientific justification for breastfeeding while at once assuaging fears of discomfort presented by a reproductive act being performed in a public space, I suggest that they also work to discipline women and maintain public-space-as-usual. 相似文献
74.
The intercensal period (2006–2011) was a time of significant policy and population change in Indigenous affairs. The aim of this paper is to document the changing distribution of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population and housing geographies over that period. We use the Indigenous Region structure developed by the Australian Bureau of Statistics to show that Indigenous Australians grew at a rate that significantly outstrips the non‐Indigenous population with an increasing concentration of the Indigenous population on the urban eastern seaboard and particularly among older people. We present results that show that for certain measures, the housing situation of the Indigenous population in 2011 had improved relative to the Indigenous population in 2006. A smaller proportion of Indigenous households were estimated to live in an overcrowded dwelling compared with Indigenous households in 2006. There were also significant increases in the per cent of Indigenous households that owned or were purchasing their own home. Other results might be seen as less positive with community housing (a tenure type identified as having benefits in both qualitative and quantitative analysis) declining in importance. In net terms though, Indigenous households continue to experience a high degree of housing need. Compared with other households, they were 3.7 times as likely to live in an overcrowded dwelling. 相似文献
75.
The differences between China and Western countries in human and physical environment has brought about two distinctive models
of state. In the Chinese-style state of quasi-consanguinity, in which family and state have a similar structure, imperial
power, gentry power, and clan power are the product of common ownership of consanguineous groups. The similarity in the structures
of these three kinds of power derives from the fact that they are all restricted by the power of lineage generated from the
self-sufficient small farmer economy, and must obey the conventions of ancestors which hold the benefits of the group as supreme.
The relationship between these three kinds of power, is definitely not the one that is based on the division of power that
is founded on individual private ownership in Western countries, where ‘public power’ and ‘individual private ownership’ are
antithetic, but are three aspects of the patriarchal dictatorship that complement each other. Therefore, village rule in China
and autonomy in the West are two totally different concepts, and gentry power is also not the ‘authorized power’ from the
state.
__________
Translated from the Journal of Tianjin Normal University, 2004: 1 相似文献
76.
Zehua Liu 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(1):19-46
The dominant views regarding the concepts of “the public” (gong) and “the private” (si) took shape in the Spring and Autumn period and matured in the succeeding years of the Warring States period. This paper
is an attempt to trace both the growth of the vocabulary containing “gong” and “si” and the development of philosophical views regarding issues that center on the relation between the individual and the larger
social/communal/political body, of which that individual is a member; it also touches on issues related to the proper handling
of public affairs and the relation between state, sovereign, and the individual. The era is often characterized as “The Contention
of the Hundred Schools of Thought,” notwithstanding it ended with but one view that is universally accepted by thinkers of
diverse persuasion, namely, si is the source of all social evil and, therefore, should be condemned. This is the doctrine known as ligong miesi (abolishing si so gong may be established), which contributed to the orthodox for that era and the millennium to come. By extolling gong and condemning si, it painted a portrait of the pair as two irreconcilable norms or forces in social and political life; it provided a justification
for the then emerging new social arrangement and ways of distribution of power and resources, and it also led to acute conflicts
between the sovereign and the state, the ruled and the ruler, the state and the subject, as well as the public sphere and
the private domain.
Translated from Nankai Journal, Vols. 4, 5, 2004 相似文献
77.
《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(6):803-819
The paper, by an American geographer, discusses the origin and development of a Chinese-financed residential megaproject (Baltic Pearl) located southwest of St. Petersburg's historical district. Viewing Baltic Pearl as reportedly the largest investment project undertaken outside China by a government-sponsored Chinese consortium, the author places it in the context of state-level Sino-Russian relations and Russian unease over the influx of Chinese migrants and culture. Reflecting the author's extensive field work in St. Petersburg and Shanghai, the focus of the paper is on the way the consortium was forced to adopt interscalar (i.e., both state and municipal/urban) strategies responsive to local conditions, providing a potentially useful precedent and model for Chinese and other investors seeking to penetrate Russia's urban markets. 相似文献
78.
《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(5):669-682
Two East Asian specialists review the development of dry ports in India as part of a broader national program to eliminate transportation bottlenecks, improve transport efficiency, and spur the economic development of interior regions by lowering road and rail freight tariffs, and thus decreasing the costs of imports (and making exports more competitive). A key focus is on comparing the relative efficiency of public- versus private-sector operation of dry ports, and on examining the effects on dry port efficiency of current Indian Government policy. The authors test two hypotheses relating to the efficiency of port operations using information derived from their field study/interviews at 28 dry ports in Northwest India (reflecting three different types of ownership/operation combinations) as well as quantitative data measuring port efficiency. 相似文献
79.
学术规范建设关系到中国学术的发展和繁荣,对于世界史研究具有同样重要的意义。开展学术规范的建设,既要考虑学术规范自身的系统性,又要照顾不同学科的特点;既要引进欧美学术界的成功经验,又要结合中国学术的传统和实际。世界史作为中国学术的一个分支,其发展需要学术整体进步的带动,同时在学术规范建设中也能发挥某些独特的作用。世界史学科的特点是具有跨文化了解的性质,需要大量使用外文文献,其研究的难度较大,因此,在研究取向、资料运用、引用方式、标注形式、防止抄袭和剽窃各个环节,均有特别的要求。学术规范建设只有顾及世界史的这些特点,才能对其研究水平的不断提高产生有力的推动。 相似文献
80.
Abstract: This paper examines an apparent anomaly that lies at the heart of processes of financial exclusion within Britain. Given that the branch networks of banks and building societies have shrunk in size by about one‐third since 1989, a period during which the Government has launched a wide‐ranging set of policies to tackle financial exclusion, why is it that the issue of branch closure has been neutralised as a political issue? After providing evidence to show the extent of branch closure in Britain and illustrating the ways in which geographical research in particular has drawn attention to the nature of this problem, we look at the way the issue of physical access to financial services has been discursively and politically marginalised. We undertake a detailed history of public policy in the area, and the ways in which research funded by industry bodies and Government departments has been used and framed to build a pro‐market, neoliberal policy programme that constructs branch closures as natural and inevitable. 相似文献