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81.
晚清吏治腐败。1875至1884年的10年间,曾出现过一个言官清议的高潮。当时言官奏折中披露的吏治问题,主要涉及捐纳、保举、科举、冗员、书吏、讼案、属员、调员、弄权等。捐纳、保举、科举都关系到官的任用,冗员也是这三者带来的一个官场病。书吏、讼案反映出吏的违法行为。属员、调员、弄权反映出官的腐败劣迹。  相似文献   
82.
孙谦 《安徽史学》2010,(5):26-31
新民主主义革命时期,马克思主义大众化的成功推进和采取有效的大众化策略密切相关,即要使马克思主义能够为人民大众听得到、听得懂、听得进,以及围绕着这"三听"所制定的一系列措施.  相似文献   
83.
The Portuguese revolution of October 1910 instituted a civilian revolutionary and ‘progressive’ Republic within the background of a conservative and monarchist Europe, whose core was located in the countries of the Triple Alliance. Since its very beginning, the regime fell short of any foundational consensus and was caught by a wave of conspiracies, upheavals, social protests and civil war menaces. This article sheds light on the shortcuts adopted to overcome the political instability examining political procedures like legislative coups, wishful thinking and ad hoc planning. The final part broadens the debate through the assessment of the time frames and the types of effects that policy failure is able to bring about.  相似文献   
84.
ABSTRACT. In this article I consider why the expected English backlash to the asymmetric UK devolution settlement has not yet materialised. Using a corpus of conversational interviews, I discuss the various ways in which people in England currently understand the relationship between national identity and political entitlement. I conclude that English political quiescence, far from constituting an enigma, is comprehensible in the light of the fact that members of the general public do not usually base their assessments of political legitimacy on calculations of English national self‐interest defined in contrast to Scotland. Rather, political issues tend to be judged with reference to principles of equity and procedural justice. English identity is rarely considered legitimate grounds for political voice. Rather, people are inclined to demonstrate a concern to balance the recognition of Scottish rights to national self‐determination, with a display of public reason, civility and civic responsibility understood to be normatively incumbent upon the English majority.  相似文献   
85.
The participation of children and young people in decisions that affect them is now mainstream in social and public policy in the UK. Yet for many young people formal participation opportunities are abstracted from everyday lives and concerns. Children may not feel empowered despite the existence of formal structures for participation. This raises questions about how ‘spaces’ for participation are constructed. This paper critiques prevailing models of participation in formal structures and instead, argues for the need to rethink children's participation as a more diverse set of social processes rooted in everyday environments and interactions.  相似文献   
86.
Over the past decade social exclusion has increasingly been positioned at the forefront of political, academic and lay discourse as the cause of disadvantage. While the definition, measurement and solutions to social exclusion remain open to debate, housing has progressively been positioned as a central variable creating neighbourhoods of exclusion. Much of this debate has positioned areas of public housing as being the most disadvantaged and socially excluded neighbourhoods. However, the multidimensionality of social exclusion brings into question the simple identification of areas of public housing as being the most excluded. By exploring six dimensions of exclusion (neighbourhood, social and civic engagement, access, crime and security, community identity and economic disadvantage) we explore the differences between areas dominated by public housing and those characterised by private market housing in terms of their scores on each of these individual dimensions of exclusion. We find that it is the experience of households with multiple dimensions of exclusion, especially locational and economic disadvantage, that differentiate areas of public housing from private housing locations.  相似文献   
87.
Urban growth drivers in a Europe of sticky people and implicit boundaries   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
We investigate urban GDP per capita growth across the EU12 usingdata for functionally defined cities—rather than administrativeregions. We test hypotheses on the role of human capital, EUintegration and fragmentation of urban government and explorespatial dependence and mechanisms of spatial interaction. Resultsare acceptable on standard econometric tests without measuresof spatial interaction but there is spatial dependence. If variablesreflecting spatial adjustment are included, they are statisticallysignificant and eliminate spatial dependence. Not only do theresults now provide consistent estimates of parameters, butthey also support relevant theoretical insights and show nationalborders are still significant barriers to economic adjustment.People in Europe are sticky so it is unreasonable to assumespatial disparities will disappear. Our findings also implythat cities in Europe form national rather than a single continentalsystem.  相似文献   
88.
89.
Petra Tschakert 《对极》2009,41(4):706-740
Abstract:  This article explores the concept of "contact zones" to counteract misrecognition and exclusion in the artisanal gold mining sector of Ghana. The large majority of the 300,000–500,000 Ghanaian artisanal miners work without an official license, illegally. Due to their encroachment on corporate concession lands, the use of toxic mercury in the gold extraction process, and the social disruption caused by their migratory activities, these miners are often marginalized and criminalized. Yet, devaluation and misrecognition hamper environmental stewardship and participation in political decision-making. Through parity-fostering participatory research, I propose a radical re-imagination of the sector that encourages agency and flourishing among these ostracized men and women diggers.  相似文献   
90.
1911年10月10日武昌首义爆发,舆论界有摇旗呐喊的支持者,也有发出质疑之声的反对者,造成这一现象的原因各异。北方大报《大公报》对革命的态度,在辛亥革命期间的日常报道和《君主民主立宪问题之解决》的征文活动过程中一览无余,即使在起义爆发之后全国争相响应,革命一发而不可收拾之时,英敛之主持下的《大公报》仍然坚持着一以贯之的君主立宪理想。有奖征文不但是报纸和社会之间互动的有效方式,亦成为报纸引导舆论导向、传播自身理念的又一途径。  相似文献   
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