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61.
An environmental assessment of the Canadian Nuclear Fuel Waste Disposal Concept was initiated in 1989. The primary purpose of the assessment is to determine the technical feasibility of burying nuclear-fuel waste deep into the Canadian Shield. If deemed acceptable, a second phase of facility siting will commence. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the social and political dimensions of nuclear-fuel waste management in Canada. It is contended that nuclear-fuel waste management transcends technical concerns, and that the ultimate success or failure of siting procedures is hinged on social and political acceptability. Data focusing on various facets of a nuclear-fuel waste disposal facility were collected from a sample of residents from three northern Ontario communities. Results demonstrate that there is a strong relationship between facility acceptability, risk perception, and distance from community. On the basis of these findings, it is contended that a regional siting approach needs to be developed and implemented to ensure that concerns over the viability of nuclear power, equity, and trust are incorporated and granted legitimacy in the management of nuclear-fuel waste. Une évaluation environnementale du concept d'élimination des déchets de combustible nucléaire au Canada a débuté en 1989. L'idée première de cette évaluation est de déterminer la faisabilité d'enfouir les déchets de combustible nucléaire dans le Bouclier canadien. Si l'on estime que c'est possible, une deuxième phase dans le choix d'un emplacement d'enfouissement débutera. Le but de cet exposé est d'évaluer les dimensions sociale et politique qu'entraînent la gestion des déchets de combustible nucléaire au Canada. On dit que la gestion des déchets de combustible nucléaire va au-delà des préoccupations techniques et que le succès ou l'échec des procédures de choix d'emplacement dépendent aussi de l'acceptabilité sociale et politique. Les données portant sur différentes facettes d'élimination des déchets de combustible nucléaire ont été recueillies auprès de résidents sélectionnés dans trois communautés du nord de l'Ontario. Les résultats ont montré qu'il existait un lien très fort entre l'acceptabilité des installations, la perception de risque qu'elles entraînaient et la distance qui les en séparait de la communauté. Sur la base de ces constatations, on a avancé, quant au choix d'un emplacement, qu'il fallait envisager une approche sur le plan régional pour assurer qu'en matière de gestion des déchets de combustible nucléaire, on reconnaisse de manière légitime les préoccupations touchant à la viabilité de cette énergie.  相似文献   
62.
晚明是中国古代舆论最活跃的时期,其中又以东林党的舆论力量最为显著。从万历初年到天启末年,东林党人的舆论活动经历了三个阶段。东林党围绕官员诠选、官员考察、对阁臣的批判、以学术促清议等方面开展了一系列舆论活动,其主张在邸报发抄、印刷刻传和书信交流等方式的扩散之下,迅速流通于士林。东林党以舆论为载体,形成了与朝廷对峙和对话的政治力量。东林党的舆论活动加剧了明政府的党争态势,加速了官僚系统的分裂,不利于政治局面的稳定。但东林党的舆论主导了当时的社会思潮,对社会风气尤其是士大夫的气节产生了一种鼓舞作用。  相似文献   
63.
Since the 1980s, several studies of post-war British propaganda have been published. While many of these have focused on developments abroad, some have explored domestic work carried out under the auspices of the Central Office of Information. Established in 1946, the Central Office of Information provided a range of services to government departments, including advertising and public opinion polling, but it was just part of a wider system of official communications that has tended to attract less attention in the historiography. Reorganised by Clement Attlee’s post-war Labour governments, this system was presented to the public as a means of disseminating impartial and apparently non-controversial ‘facts’ about government policy. Few commentators today accept that justification, but little is known about why it emerged after the Second World War or what impact it had on existing communications machinery. Taking a broad view of the subject that considers the inter-war and wartime antecedents to the post-war communications system, this paper seeks to fill in some of the gaps that have emerged in the literature. Focusing on shifts in official nomenclature and departmental practice, it explores the relationship propaganda shared to government policy and its broader legacy in the twentieth century.  相似文献   
64.
This article introduces the concept of urban togetherness to parade research. We suggest that some parades are practices that establish urban relations and not community, carnival or consumerist relations. We develop this new perspective on the basis of a literature review and an analysis of a parade in Brussels, the Zinneke Parade. In the literature review, we distinguish between three existing perspectives on parades. Research has argued that parades serve to build community and claim identity, to suspend social positions and to enable tourist/consumerist relations. In our analysis, we focus on concrete features of the Zinneke Parade obtained through video recording showing the costumes and objects carried along, the rhythm and sounds, and the borders and interactions established during the parade. We argue that the Zinneke Parade should be understood as a form of urban togetherness in which participants and spectators are exposed to each other in a practice that does not necessarily lead to identification and shared meaning.  相似文献   
65.
李彬  韩增林  马慧强 《人文地理》2015,30(3):111-117
基于基本公共服务的内涵,从教育服务、文化服务、卫生服务、基础设施服务、社会保障服务、生态环境服务和信息服务7个方面构建了基本公共服务质量评价指标体系,运用熵值法对2003-2011年辽宁省城市基本公共服务质量进行综合测度,并以此为变量,利用差异系数和基尼系数对辽宁省各市基本公共服务质量差异的演变过程与空间格局进行定量分析。结果发现:辽宁省各市基本公共服务质量整体为上升的趋势,表现出较为明显的规模特征,沈阳市和大连市两极突出;2003-2011辽宁省城市基本公共服务质量区域差异总体扩大的基础上,呈现先扩大后缩小的演变趋势,且以文化服务、卫生服务和基础设施服务的差异为主;空间上,公共服务质量空间提升极化作用不断增强,表现为不断向"沈阳-大连、盘锦-本溪"的"十字"轴线紧靠。  相似文献   
66.
运用"都市生活圈"和"时间地理学"的理论与方法,对上海城市日常体育生活圈进行了划分与构建,提出了由基础体育生活圈、基本体育生活圈和机会体育生活圈所构成的日常体育生活圈层体系,并以上海日常体育生活圈层体系为基础,依据"中心地理论"和上海公共体育设施建设与发展的实际状况,提出了上海日常体育生活圈的公共体育设施配置模式和公共体育设施配置体系。根据上海日常体育生活圈建设与发展的要求及实际状况,提出了相应的公共体育设施建设与配置的建议。  相似文献   
67.
孙尧奎 《攀登》2005,24(5):77-81
建国初期,我党参照、借鉴前苏联的经验,根据本国实际情况,通过加强对私营金融业的管理和整顿、积极引导私营金融业的资金投放和业务经营、组织私营行庄联合经营和联合管理、进行全行业社会主义改造四个阶段,最终完成了对私营金融业的社会主义改造任务,建立了社会主义的金融体系.  相似文献   
68.
This paper argues that in certain areas of policy, electoral systems can influence policy innovation (how early countries will adopt certain policies). Electoral systems influence the number of parties that win representation and thereby influence the diversity of perspectives included in the policymaking process. It is argued here that this diversity facilitates elite and public consideration of new issues and ideas, and consequently, it leads to earlier debate and action on these issues and ideas. This dynamic is particularly relevant to controversial issues and ideas that major parties may be hesitant to address and that minor parties may be more incentivized to promote. In this paper, two issues/ideas are considered: extending rights to same‐sex couples and making material sacrifices to protect the environment. I show that countries with more proportional electoral systems tend to act earlier to protect the environment and that they tend to be early adopters of civil union legislation. These results are also supported by World Values Survey data showing public preference patterns that support these policy outcomes.  相似文献   
69.
This article argues critically that the consequences of a binary system of gender norms is experienced as a kind of gender tyranny both for those who transgress gender in their daily lives, but also for those whose lives are lived within such constraints. Feminist geographers and urban theorists have argued that space is gendered and that gendering has profound consequences for women. This article extends this analysis and shows how rigid categorizations of gender fail to include the intersexed and transgendered populations, a small and highly marginalized segment of the wider population. This article uses autoethnographic methods to illustrate the ways that those who transgress gender norms experience a tyranny of gender that shapes nearly every aspect of their public and private lives. The nature of these consequences is explored using citations from the transgender and queer literature as well as the lived experience of this tyranny by the author in a continuum of public to private spaces, including: parking lots, public restrooms, shopping malls, the workplace and the home.  相似文献   
70.
杨成虎 《攀登》2010,29(1):46-49
执政党依靠的是制定和实施公共政策来实现对社会的治理,执政党的政策能否得到广泛的认同和支持,直接影响到执政党自身的合法性。因此,执政党必然通过各种渠道和方式强化其与民众的联系。改革开放以来,中国共产党通过一系列制度和机制的创新,特别是倡导和鼓励公众参与,使执政党政策的合法性途径更为多元,这不仅实质性地提高了执政党的执政能力,有效地降低了执政成本,也为建构社会主义和谐社会提供了重要的制度平台。  相似文献   
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