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91.
Naama Blatman‐Thomas 《对极》2019,51(5):1395-1415
Repossession of land by Indigenous people is commonly understood as a legal act that unfolds within the confines of state apparatuses. But for many Indigenous urbanites, legal repossession is both impossible and irrelevant due to their histories of dispossession and dislocation. Moreover, while land repossession in Australia is predominantly non‐urban, I demonstrate that land is also reclaimed within cities. Urban repossession of land, considered here as reciprocal rather than legal, challenges the model of private ownership by asserting a territorially transferable relationship to property as land. The order of property entrenches Indigenous people's dispossession by demanding immobility as precondition to ownership and rendering Indigenous urbanites all “too mobile”. Against this framing and the liquidation of their lands as capital, Indigenous people practice reciprocal forms of repossession that challenge both liberal and traditional meanings of ownership. This helps retrieve urban Indigenous subjectivities while compelling partial relinquishment of non‐Indigenous properties.  相似文献   
92.
Although the literacy of miners lagged behind county and national averages, there was educational progress in the Northern coalfield before 1870. Progress came partly from the private adventure schools and the Sunday schools, which originated in the colliery communities and which have been underestimated by historians. Evidence from parish registers shows that the private adventure schools that proliferated in the collieries, especially from the 1820s, helped to maintain and raise literacy rates in some villages, but were unjustly criticized by educators who favoured state public elementary schools. The colliery Sunday schools, particularly those of the Methodists, were also important in developing the ability to read. The spread of Methodism amongst miners gave an important stimulus to literacy, which resulted in greater support for adult education in the coalfield. The growth of mechanics’ institutes, reading rooms and mutual improvement societies testified to a growing enthusiasm amongst miners for education before 1870. Despite the extraordinary population growth, especially in Durham, and extensive migration of workers in the coal industry, educational progress in the coalfield is evident particularly in the late 1850s and 1860s.  相似文献   
93.
A senior Russian economist examines the structure, governance, and balance sheets of state-controlled banks in Russia, which accounted for over 55 percent of the total assets in the country's banking system in early 2011. The author offers a credible estimate of the size of the country's state banking sector by including banks that are indirectly owned by public organizations. Contrary to some predictions based on the theoretical literature on economic transition, he explains the relatively high profitability and efficiency of Russian state-controlled banks by pointing to their competitive position in such functions as acquisition and disposal of assets on behalf of the government. Also suggested in the paper is a different way of looking at market concentration in Russia (by consolidating the market shares of core state-controlled banks), which produces a picture of a more concentrated market than officially reported. Lastly, one of the author's interesting conclusions is that China provides a better benchmark than the formerly centrally planned economies of Central and Eastern Europe by which to assess the viability of state ownership of banks in Russia and to evaluate the country's banking sector.  相似文献   
94.
"五反"运动后,私营工商业在公私关系、劳资关系等方面产生了一些新的矛盾和问题,影响了生产和经营,党和政府及时采取措施进行了调整。通过调整,不仅使私营工商企业的劳资关系普遍得到了改善,而且还使私人资本主义经济发生了巨大而深刻的变化,出现了新的因素,从而为实现从新民主主义经济向社会主义经济的平稳过渡创造了有利条件。  相似文献   
95.
新中国成立之初,随着国家银行业务在农村的延伸及农村信用合作社的建立,在农村形成了私人借贷、国家农贷与农村信用社三者并存的乡村借贷体系。在新的农村金融体系中,国家银行和信用合作社逐渐占据了主导地位。新体系的建立,增加了农村资金的供给,一定程度上满足了农民克服生活困难、发展家庭经济的需要,同时也压缩了高息借贷的活动空间。  相似文献   
96.
公私合营是20世纪50年代对资本主义工商业进行社会主义改造的重要途径。上海14家公私合营试点厂的经验表明,通过公私合营企业"高管层"的变动,企业经营管理权力从私方转移到公方,其实质上是企业产权从私有转变为公有,从而实现了企业性质的转变。公私合营后企业中出现了公方、私方和工人三方并存的格局,实行以公方领导为主、公私方合作共事和民主集中制管理。  相似文献   
97.
Deborah McPhail 《对极》2009,41(5):1021-1050
Abstract:  Despite current insistence that obesity is a new problem, obesity and fat were discussed frequently in the medical and popular presses and by state officials during the early Cold War in Canada. Using Kristeva's (1982,  Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection ) concept of abjection, I argue that Cold War anxieties about fat, and specifically the obesity of white, middle-class men, had less to do with the growing girth of bodies than it did with a post-war crisis in masculinity related to the collapse of the public and private spheres. Through an analysis of fitness regimes and female-administered diets for men, I argue that anti-obesity rhetoric served to assuage dominant worries about degenerating masculinity by reasserting both the gendered division of labour and the white, middle-class, nuclear family as Canadian norms.  相似文献   
98.
唐代隐逸兴盛成因的社会学阐释   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
李红霞 《史学月刊》2005,(2):105-110
唐代隐逸兴盛的成因对把握唐代隐逸的特质、风貌及其与唐诗的关系意义重大。这一风尚的盛行与唐代的社会政治、经济状况和思想文化密切相关。政治上 ,唐代帝王对隐士优渥褒扬是刺激唐代隐逸发展的强大动力。科举制度方面 ,士子科举落第、仕途的挫折、中晚唐科场的流弊以及高隐制举的设立都使唐人的隐逸行为较前代变得更为频繁。从思想文化方面看 ,带有传统隐士色彩的隐居习道风气的盛行使唐代道教徒式的隐士大大增加 ;佛家遁迹山林的修行方式、清静超脱的人生境界也吸引着唐代文人奔趋山林。从经济基础看 ,唐代日益普及的私家园林 ,成为唐人实践仕隐两兼、满足其恬淡的隐逸情怀的理想境地 ,并构成唐人践履隐逸、满足其优游于出处进退的三径之资  相似文献   
99.
1966~1976年我国个体私营经济政策述评   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
1966~1976年间,我国对个体私营经济采取了严格限制的政策,至1976年底,私营经济在我国已经绝迹,个体经济也微乎其微,全国城镇个体工商业者只剩下19万人,仅为1966年的12.2%.此外,由于这期间对自留地、家庭副业、集市贸易的限制政策,扼杀了农村经济的生机和活力.  相似文献   
100.
从建党初期开始,共产党人在探索中国革命道路过程中,不断深化对私营经济在中国社会经济中的性质、地位和作用的认识,并在政治斗争实践中,初步形成了一些关于民族资本主义工商业的方针政策。中国共产党对私营经济早期认识的曲折、反复以及在政策上的摇摆,折射出这一时期共产党人对中国国情认识的逐步深化和对革命发展道路的复杂与艰辛的探索。  相似文献   
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