Dative for Accusative Case Interchange in Epistolary Formulas in Greek Papyrus Letters

Greek papyrus letters preserve not only instances of the replacement of the dative case; they also show the use of the dative instead of the accusative case as direct object and disjoint infinitival subject. This interchange is mostly found in epistolary phrases, namely the salutation formula (?σπ?ζομα? σε) and the initial (ε?χομα? σε ?για?νειν) and final (?ρρ?σθα? σε ε?χομαι) health wishes. The phonetic similarity of the pronouns might have created the circumstances for case confusion. Contamination of the constructions reflects the difficulties of the scribes to construct conservative epistolary phrases and, thereby, diachronic phraseological variation might reflect language change. In salutation formulas, the use of a dative Addressee could be explained by analogical overextension from the category of communication verbs taking a dative complement. The decline of the accusative and infinitive construction might be one of the reasons why the accusative disjoint infinitival subject is replaced by the dative case in health wishes.     

唐代土地私有权问题研究

唐代土地所有权经历了从公有到私有的动态演变过程。唐代土地私有权的形态包括永业田、园宅墓田、寺院土地。在国家法律逐渐放宽对土地买卖限制的背景下,唐代土地私有权的扩张主要是通过土地买卖实现的。唐代中后期土地私有权极度发展,地主庄园成为土地高度私有化的典型体现。     

汉代"名田宅制"与"田宅逾制"论说

张家山汉简的出土证实了汉初的确存在过以爵位高下及身份不同授予相应田宅的制度,即名田宅制。这套制度由于缺乏应有条件的支持,一开始就没有彻底施行,高祖后期即名存实亡。《二年律令.户律》是奉“高祖之法”不敢删削而原封保留,而非现行律文。武帝朝所纠劾地方豪右的“田宅逾制”,是武帝本朝的限田之制,不是汉初的“名田宅制”。此后,汉代的限田方案都没有成功实施过。常见诸史书的“田宅逾制”、“逾限”等提法,应大多为观念性词语,而非特指或实指。     

汉代豪民研究论纲

汉代豪民在类型上可划分为工商豪民和乡里豪民。汉武帝官营工商以前,工商豪民是豪民阶层的主体,在其发展过程中尽管伴生了兼并土地、骄横不法等问题,但对社会经济发展起到的推动作用是主要的。官营工商之后,豪民经济结构发生逆转,乡里豪民成为豪民阶层的主体,田宅逾制、豪民役使、豪民私债等社会问题日益严重。随着豪民经济实力的增强,也开始不断以自身的存在影响国家政策、法令的调整,逐渐改善自己的地位,进而踏上仕途,上升为公卿士大夫,演变为门阀士族。     

建国初期私立学校改造措施的考察——以北京地区为例

1949～1956年,我国对私立学校进行了全面改造,使私立学校在20世纪50年代中期一度退出历史舞台。从北京地区对私立学校的改造来看,当时国家改造私立学校有着深刻的社会原因和复杂的国内、国际背景,但党和政府对私立学校的改造是随着客观形势的变化而按部就班地推进的,对于不同类型和不同级别的私立学校采取不同的方法和措施,这种改造是"因地制宜"进行的,从中可以看出中共处理问题的灵活性。     

Housing Regeneration and the Private Finance Initiative in England: Unstitching the Neoliberal Urban Straitjacket

Abstract: This paper responds to recent debates in human geography about ideal‐type versus contingent neoliberalism, or what Gibson‐Graham conceptualises as “strong” vs “weak” theory, by offering some reflections from an in‐depth study of the private finance initiative (PFI) in England. It first introduces the history and purpose of the PFI as the Labour government's flagship public–private partnership (PPP) approach to public infrastructure modernisation. It then critically analyses its use in inner‐city regeneration through a case study of a PFI housing scheme in the northern English city of Leeds. The paper argues that, when seen through the lens of “strong theory”, a PFI appears to be a consciously designed “neoliberal straitjacket” intended to lock‐in gentrification‐based regeneration at the neighbourhood level, guarantee long‐term profits to (finance) capital, and create powerful privatising and marketising pressures across the local public sphere. However, it is equally possible to construct a preliminary “weak theory” of the PFI that unhides its inherent contradictions and shows how everyday activism by local community actors can successfully influence and contest how neoliberalism is rolled out on the ground.     

The politics of holding: home and LGBT visibility in contested Jerusalem

This article explores LGBT politics of space in Jerusalem, a contested and fractured city. By interpreting the challenges and contradictions inherent in the Jerusalem Open House (JOH), a social movement and community space in Jerusalem, the article will show how the discourse and the practice of the JOH lead to a politics of holding. This LGBT spatial politics consists of striving to include oppositional politics, emphasizing the consolidation of public and private LGBT politics of home. The JOH persistently maintains a politics of holding, continually balancing inclusion, creating a home-like space and framing the organizational space as a shelter for all LGBT individuals in Jerusalem, while adopting a politics of visibility. This visibility enhanced processes of politicization which at many points stand in contrast to the JOH’s goals of being accessible, inclusive, and safe. The politics of holding illustrates the religious, political, national, and ideological fractures’ at work in producing a unique kind of LGBT spatial politics in the conservative Jerusalem space.     

The Advantages of Ambiguity? Development,Rule Formation and Property Rights During Transition in China

Legally protected individual private property rights and a constrained state are doctrines of neoclassical economics-derived development theory. But what about China? It lacks strong rule of law, property rights can be collective, contested and ambiguous, and the state is relatively unconstrained and maintains a central role in the economy; yet it has seen impressive economic growth to take it to the world’s second largest economy. I argue that in the absence of legal/rational protections of individual property rights, political and social networks can provide alternative methods of property protection, allowing for economic development – with political protection substituting for legal. The novel claim I make is that ambiguity of property rights can provide opportunities and spaces for development and innovation, with the building of meaning and institutions found in a transitional state, where rules are unclear and contested, and where formal rules can “catch up” if apparent success can be demonstrated.     

Reinventing the firm: from post-war relief to international humanitarian agency

Abstract

This article focuses on the humanitarian non-governmental organization (NGO) CARE, Inc., and its transformation from a temporary non-profit agency working in post-war relief to Europe, to a permanent humanitarian enterprise delivering food aid and technical assistance to the so-called ‘developing world’. It analyses CARE’s shift from its early days as an American voluntary agency delivering food and consumer products (donated by private individuals in America) to individuals in Europe to a large NGO that co-operated closely with the US government in food-aid distribution to the Global South. Its expansion and professionalization was embedded in the development of new forms of public-private co-operation in humanitarian affairs, as well as in the overall setting of an emerging competitive ‘humanitarian charity market’ in the non-profit sector. In order to expand its organization and mission CARE implemented new and innovative business strategies and fostered the increasing ‘managerialization’ of its humanitarian activities. The article stresses the economic dimension of NGO activity as one perspective (among others) that helps us to better understand the complex dynamics of the ‘rise’ of humanitarian non-state players during the twentieth century.