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951.
1963年法国前总理富尔的中国之行是中法建交中的关键阶段,而定稿于11月2日的《周恩来总理谈话要点》又是富尔访华最终取得成功的基础。富尔访华初期,中法虽都有建立大使级外交关系的愿望,但在台湾问题上的分歧使会谈陷入僵局。其后,中方在坚决反对任何形式的"两个中国"原则的基础上,先后提出了有步骤建交方案、直接建交方案,最终在三项默契基础上同富尔达成了一致。中方把最终形成的默契以文本形式交给富尔,这就是《周恩来总理谈话要点》。总的看来,该要点是中法平等协商的结果,法国在其中承担了承认中华人民共和国政府为代表中国的唯一合法政府、支持中国恢复在联合国的合法席位、法台不再保持"外交"关系等义务。但谈话要点也是求同存异的结果,并未全面解决中法在台湾问题上的分歧。  相似文献   
952.
Since 2001, state governments have adopted 287(g) cooperative immigration enforcement agreements with the federal government that authorize their law enforcement personnel to assist in detaining violators of civil federal immigration law. Employing a theoretical framework drawn from theories of policy adoption, intergovernmental relations, and immigration research, we test which state‐level political, sociodemographic, geographic, and economic determinants influence states to enter into such a cooperative agreement. In addition to finding that the partisanship of a state's governor, a state's effort on public welfare, and an increase in a state's percentage of Hispanics are related to the adoption of a cooperative immigration enforcement policy, we found evidence of “steam valve federalism” working not at the state level as Spiro (1997) first theorized but at the local level. When a state's localities adopt immigration enforcement agreements with the federal government, the state itself is far less likely to adopt their own. Understanding the reasons states would adopt this type of policy sheds light on current trends in state immigration policy and their effect on future state/federal intergovernmental relations.  相似文献   
953.
Newspapers in developed economies are experiencing declining advertising and circulation revenues, closures and cutbacks. Investigative journalism's normative role has been described as scrutinising concentrated power sources in liberal democracies. This article examines investigative reporting by the Australian print media that has exposed corporate wrong-doing from affluent times to the current era of newspapers' financial hardship. Applying two content analyses, the article examines business investigative journalism from selected newspapers and specific categories of the peer-reviewed Walkley Awards. The socialist tradition identifies corporate power above other groups in society, and this article finds in accordance with political-economic theories that mainstream newspapers have become conspicuously absent in their investigative role in detecting and exposing corporate transgressions. I conclude that this failure was most notable prior to and during the Global Financial Crisis, and this has implications for the exercise, and scrutiny, of corporate power in Australia.

发达国家的报纸遭遇了广告和发行的滑坡,还有倒闭和削减。调查性新闻的规范角色被描述为自由民主体制内的监督力量。本文考察了澳大利亚印刷媒体从丰裕时代一直到如今报纸财政艰难岁月,对公司过失所做的调查报道。本文使用了内容分析,从选择的报纸和同行评审的Walkley奖的特定类别对商业调查做了研究。社会主义传统认定公司的权力高于社会其他群体,本文同意政治经济学理论,指出主流报纸在履行揭露公司违法不端的调查职责时,是明显缺席的。笔者的结论是,在全球金融危机之前及之中,这种缺席是再明显不过了。这个结论对于公司力量的运动和监督,或许有参考意义。  相似文献   

954.
Many authors use the metaphor of an accordion to describe the enlargement of the constitutional functions of the Italian head of state: because of the weakness of the political parties the president is able to ‘open and play the accordion’ according to his own interpretation of his institutional powers. While useful, this metaphor does not take into account the structural changes that have occurred over the last 30 years, as well as the informal powers that recent presidents have resorted to, which were the most important factors in the metamorphosis of the presidential figure. Structural changes include the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the First Republic and the mediatisation and personalisation of politics and party structure. Informal powers include those of ‘esternazione’ (a term that roughly means ‘to render public personal statements without previous consultation with the cabinet’) and of moral suasion. By analysing the development of these two powers, this article aims to describe the changing role of the head of state during the Second Republic. It also defines a typology of presidential moral suasion, which is proposed as a useful tool to analyse presidential style and strategy in influencing law-making. The analysis of the innovative use of communicative powers by the last two presidents, Ciampi and Napolitano, shows how the transformation of the Italian presidency can probably be considered permanent.  相似文献   
955.
Laura Cerasi 《Modern Italy》2014,19(4):421-438
This article examines the image of Empire developed in public discourse in Italy during the late Liberal period and Fascism by placing it in the context of representations of the British Empire, with which Italian imperial ambitions were compared. There is a continuity in seeing the British Empire as the expression of industrial and commercial modernity and its resultant strength, but what in the Liberal period was seen as an unparalleled superiority became under Fascism a supremacy acquired in a particular period but now exhibiting signs of decline, which Fascism should contest and surpass. Admiration of the British was mixed with disparagement: key figures expressed a competitive resentment towards Britain and its dominant international position, seeing it as the epitome of ‘modern’ imperial power against which Fascism was destined to be measured. In the 1930s signs of the British Empire's decline were sought, developing the idea in Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire that British domination would also rise and fall, and announcing the replacement of the ‘British order’, founded on commercial modernity and the strength of money and capital, by Fascism's new civilisation, with its authentic heritage of imperial romanità. This competitiveness towards Britain, which historiography has principally seen as a component of foreign policy (as was clear over Ethiopia), has additional significance when seen as an element of political culture that relates to the concept of the State. The autonomy and strength of the State were an important feature of Fascism's self-representation and of its legal culture, and in this light the possession of an empire came to be seen as an essential aspect of statehood and power.  相似文献   
956.
After entering Beijing in January 1949, the Communist Party immediately sent cadres to local factories in order to mobilize female industrial workers into a women's movement and to establish the idea of "revolutionary citizenship." The Party wished to nurture this idea in both the local political arena and in women's lives inside and outside the factories. This article demonstrates that a host of factors defined revolutionary citizenship, including party directives, choices in revolutionary strategy, cadres' interpretations of directives and their own initiatives, and workers' reactions to mobilization. It was in this complex mix of mobilization, women's strategies to protect and advance their own interests, and the politics of group representation in the revolution, that female workers came to understand the meaning and impact of revolutionary citizenship and the shape of labor-state relations in the emerging socialist China.  相似文献   
957.
国际关系民主化思想是新世纪以来中国共产党根据冷战后国际形势的发展变化,从维护中国人民和世界各国人民的根本利益出发而提出的一项国际关系新主张,是中国共产党在外交战略思想上的一项重要创新和理论建树。在这一思想指导下,中国积极推动世界多极化的发展;推动建立公正合理的国际政治经济新秩序;恪守公认的国际法和国际关系基本准则,推动联合国在国际事务中发挥中心作用;反对一切形式的霸权主义和强权政治;加强同广大发展中国家的团结与合作;大力倡导多边主义,积极开展多边外交,为维护世界和平、促进共同发展做出了积极的贡献。  相似文献   
958.
20世纪80年代以来,美国国会通过涉华立法对美国对华政策施加了重影响。其中,美国国会在年度拨款案中附加了相当数量的涉华法,其涉及对华安全防范和出口管制、涉台和涉藏事务、人权等领域。这些涉华条款对中国核心利益和中关关系产生了不忽视的消极影响。  相似文献   
959.
陈茜 《神州》2011,(3X):45-45,47
中西文化存在很大的差异,语言是文化的载体,不可避免地映射了中西文化差异。因此,在商务英语的教学过程中,任课教师要潜移默化地渗透中西文化差异教育,让学生了解不同的历史背景、风俗习惯、风土人情和文化传统,这样才能使他们掌握语言的背景、内涵,从而恰当地运用商务英语进行商务活动。  相似文献   
960.
任继荣 《神州》2011,(3X):143-143
要提高地理课堂教学的有效性,就要把握好地理课自身的特点。作为地理课堂教学的实质应该是让学生利用地理知识来认识地理事物、解释地理现象、解决地理问题,从而培养学生相应的能力。这是地理课堂教学中的重点和难点所在,也是地理课堂教学的首要。  相似文献   
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