中国谋求打开对欧关系的努力

20世纪60年代初,随着国际形势的变化,特别是中苏关系的破裂,中国在对外关系方面做出重大调整,重点是谋求打开对欧关系。为此,中国在公共关系、经济和政治外交等领域积极展开活动。总的来说,中国在上述领域所做的努力是有成效的,特别是中法关系正常化标志着中国对欧外交的一个重大突破。但也要看到,中欧关系总体上依然发展缓慢,这主要是由于大多数西欧国家仍不能摆脱美国的控制来发展对华关系造成的。     

"八王之乱"与禁卫军权

作为中国古代专制君权有机构成的禁卫军权,它既是维护君主专制政体正常运作的必要条件,同时也会成为破坏这一体制的重要因素。“八王之乱”是中国历史上规模最大、影响极为深远的一场统治集团争夺最高统治权力的政治斗争。参与政争的太后及外戚杨骏、惠贾皇后、宗室诸王之间围绕宫殿禁廷的控制权而展开了多次较量,对禁卫军权的控制和利用成为斗争中最常见的手段,能否有效掌握禁卫军权往注成为决定胜负的关键。“八王之乱”与禁卫军权的关系,提供了认识中国古代君主专制政治和禁卫军权关系的一个典型个案。     

影响中罗关系曲折发展的若干因素

20世纪60年代,原本平稳发展的中罗关系出现了飞跃。促成并制约这一时期中罗关系发展的最主要原因是苏联对两国的影响,罗马尼亚领导人把中苏和罗苏两个双边关系变成了一个中一苏一罗大三角关系。此外,冷战的国际背景及由此产生的双方在意识形态上的认同与分歧,是另一个重要因素。上述因素在不同时期、不同情况下此消彼长,使中罗关系的进程呈现出缓与急、冷与暖的交替。     

华侨华人学科建设的反思：东南亚历史研究的视角与经验

本文的讨论围绕三个层面展开 :华侨华人研究 ,东南亚 (华侨华人 )研究以及笔者个人对槟城—吉打州华人商业与权力关系的研究。争论的实质是这样一个理论与方法论的问题 ,即华侨华人研究应该分别被视为某一孤立的主题研究领域、区域研究和学科研究方法 ,还是一个相互关联的结合整体的问题。本文并非企图为华侨华人研究确立一个标准 ,而仅仅是呈献一个实例 ,即把个人的研究视角和经历 ,结合大的结构、进程、理论和方法论的关怀等问题 ,进行情景化的考察。     

基于员工满意度的饭店软实力比较研究——以宁波本土饭店K和外资饭店H为例

本研究选取宁波本土饭店K和外资饭店H作为研究对象,采用问卷方法构建饭店员工满意度指标,以员工满意度作为衡量饭店软实力的切入点,将本土饭店K与外资饭店H的软实力进行了定量化的比较研究。研究表明,尽管本土饭店K的员工满意度高于外资饭店H,但在员工素质和长期发展等方面仍存在较大差距。本文还对员工学历、工资、职位等与员工满意度的关系进行了讨论。     

What can supraspecies richness tell us?

Biogeographers, ecologists, palaeontologists, and conservation managers often deal with checklists in which not all individuals have been identified to a species level, or the accuracy of species identification is questionable. Is it possible and credible to investigate species richness based on such checklists? Studies on macrofauna in the Far Eastern seas, eastern Arctic seas, and adjacent waters of the Pacific and Arctic Oceans suggest that in different habitats and for diverse taxa, species, and higher taxa richness strongly correlate with each other and increase with an expansion in the study area and sample size according to the species–area law. Such an increase is higher in the bottom zone than in the pelagic. Species and higher taxa richness also show a decrease from lower to higher latitudes, which is in line with the Humboldt–Wallace’s law. According to Willis’ law and self-similarity in the organisation of taxonomic levels, species richness can be assessed based on the genus, family, and order richness. In other words, supraspecies richness itself can tell us the same as species richness and therefore certain global patterns revealed at the species level may also be revealed at the supraspecies level. Such a concordance in general trends among richness parameters at different taxonomic levels in practice implies that species richness can be studied based on lists that lack species identifications or lists with doubtful species identification. We suggest bolder use of supraspecies richness in science and practice, discussing the disadvantages and advantages of this approach.     

中日邦交正常化之前的"政经分离"与"政经不可分"之争

上世纪五、六十年代,日本政府在对华关系方面曾推行过“政经分离”政策。其核心是:政治台湾,经济大陆。即只承认台湾当局,不承认中华人民共和国。对此,中国政府提出了“政治三原则”和“政经不可分原则”,与日本方面旨在搞“两个中国”的图谋进行了针锋相对的斗争。在中日复交35年后的今天,“政经之争”早已不再是中日之间争论的焦点。但对如今时而“政冷经热”、时而“政经双冷”的中日关系来说,重温这段“政经之争”的历史,无疑具有特殊的意义。     

“满洲”电业株式会社始末

本文介绍了满洲电业株式会社的发展历程、代表性发输配电设施、伪满洲国覆灭时的状况。纵观“满电”的发展史可以发现,这既是高度垄断的电力生产、管理机构,也是伪满洲国傀儡政权的重要经济支柱和日本帝国主义侵略、掠夺中国东北的重要工具。     

Book reviews

In the context of a shift away from municipal multiculturalism towards community cohesion, and in the light of renewed debates around difference, national identity and Britishness, this article sets out a geographically informed theoretical framework which focuses upon the spatial (re)construction of racial and ethnic identities. The article develops the idea of the everyday as a way of viewing the spatially contingent, complex and negotiated state of inter-ethnic relations in a specific UK city. Not only does this reveal the manner in which strong and stubborn boundaries between social groups are entrenched through the (re)enforcement of spatialised relations of power, but also how accommodations across, between and within difference are realised. Through the employment of empirical material from Leicester, England, the article contends that everyday solidarities emerge from a number of intersecting spatial influences which do not equate to abstract or fixed versions of national belonging.     

The role of the AALD in preserving the Australia–US alliance

This article critically evaluates the agenda and strategy of the Australian American Leadership Dialogue (AALD) for protecting and strengthening the Australia–US alliance. Nominally an exercise in informal diplomacy dedicated to fostering mutual understanding, the AALD functions more like a pro-American lobby group as it seeks to preserve orthodox thinking and eschew dissenting perspectives. The AALD performs this function in three main ways: by carefully framing discussion and debate, by socialising Australian elites into the alliance orthodoxy and by serving as a ‘gatekeeper’ of the status quo.

本文对保卫、加强澳美联盟的澳美领袖对话提出批评。该对话虽然名义上只是加强共同理解的非正式外交实践, 但其作用更像是亲美游说集团,因为它要保持正统的思路,回避不同的观点。该对话用三种方式实现这一功能：小心地设置讨论和辩论;向澳大利亚精英灌输联盟的正统观;充当现状的守门人。