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31.
许多先秦学(史称先秦诸子)在研究管理问题时,认识到了存在于管理与民众之间的利益问题具有三个内在的规定性。他们认为,管理只有正确认识了利益问题的内在规定性,才能处理好管理与民众之间的利益关系,才能使自己所追求的管理事业获得成功。 相似文献
32.
Jeanne E. Arnold 《Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory》1996,3(1):77-126
Archaeologists' reconstructions of paths to complexity have all too often excluded complex hunter-gatherers. However, recent theoretical contributions and long-term field research programs in several regions of the world have now significantly advanced our understanding of complex hunter-gatherers. A discussion of definitions of complexity and a review of current models of the emergence of complexity provide a framework for analyses of complex hunter-gatherers and important cultural phenomena such as sedentism, political integration, prestige economies, feasting, and ideology. 相似文献
33.
This study examines the interrelationship between external political support, internal organizational factors, and red tape, using a sample of information managers from state health and human service agencies. The study defines a red tape model and tests the model by structural equation modeling method. The study finds that political support has a direct effect on red tape. The higher the political support, the lower the level of red tape. The study also confirms an indirect effect of political support on red tape, mediated by developmental culture. Indirect effect through goal clarity has the correct sign but is not statistically significant. Practical recommendations are made for the political environment to provide the opportunity for managerial reforms that are often advocated. 相似文献
34.
Pedro Paulo A. Funari 《International Journal of Historical Archaeology》2002,6(3):209-216
Archaeology is a practice that exists within various social contexts. As such, the way it is practiced is dependent upon the class interests of those who fund and undertake archaeological investigations. These interests in turn can be influenced by existing political regimes. In this article, I discuss how class interests have influenced the direction of Brazilian archaeology for the past century and a half. 相似文献
35.
The Risorgimento was the process of independence and unification of the Italian nation between 1848 and 1860, and has remained a powerful symbol of Italian politics ever since. Elaborating on Jan Assmann’s concept of cultural memory, the article discusses the Risorgimento at crucial moments in twentieth-century Italian politics: the 1911 anniversary of unification, the elaboration of the Risorgimento during fascism, the re-appropriation of the Risorgimento by the left and by the Resistance during the 1930s and 1940s, the general semantic space carved by the post-war democratic forces on both right and left with reference to the Risorgimento, and the sudden return to the memory of the Risorgimento in the 1990s and afterwards. The aim of the article is to understand both continuities and changes in the reference to the Risorgimento in twentieth-century political discourse, and to put into perspective Italy’s ‘particular’ road to modernity within a comparative European frame. 相似文献
36.
Martin Danyluk 《对极》2023,55(5):1368-1389
Recent studies of logistics have embraced the “choke point” thesis: the notion that a strategically positioned group of workers or insurgents can exercise outsize power by disrupting the circulation of goods through the supply chain. This article examines this proposition through the case of Coco Solo, Panama, an informal community situated at the epicentre of Panama’s transit economy but persistently excluded from its benefits. Between 2001 and 2014, as part of a protracted struggle over housing, Coco Solo residents repeatedly blockaded key ports and logistics facilities. Despite their location at a critical node in global capitalist commodity circuits, the community’s actions met with limited success. I draw on the case to refine existing theorisations of logistical resistance, emphasising the contingent factors that influence the effectiveness of such tactics, the diverse contexts in which they are mobilised, and the value of going beyond workerist and insurrectionist accounts of supply chain disruption. 相似文献
37.
In this paper, we survey the expanding body of literature on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Chinese and Anglophone geography, and locate the main lines of development. The emerging scholarship approaches the BRI as a spatial discourse and examines the production of geographical reasoning in statecraft. It also links up with studies of the BRI as both a material project and an everyday experience. We argue that it is in this combined understanding of BRI's multiple registers, as discourse, project, and experience, that a trilectical approach for future geographical engagement can be identified as the BRI edges to its second decade. 相似文献
38.
Mario Liong Petula Sik-Ying Ho 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2019,26(7-9):1081-1093
AbstractIn this short review, we explain the need for a multidimensional analytical framework for exploring how the construction of men and masculinities has shaped Hong Kong’s social and political development, and how politics both enable and constrain men in their lived experiences and practices in various life spheres at the city’s current political juncture. We observe that the majority of the extant research on men and masculinities in Hong Kong is depoliticized, whereas studies on current Hong Kong politics are largely gender-blind. However, the ever-tightening grip of the Chinese Communist Party and the instances of political resistance in response, namely, the Umbrella Movement of 2014 and Fishball Revolution of 2016, suggest that the influence of the wider political situation has penetrated every dimension of life, which has considerable implications for masculine identities and practices. Rather than continuing to conduct the depoliticized masculinity studies and genderless political studies we have seen to date, it is time for a thorough investigation of the dynamic intersection of men’s practices and the political context of Hong Kong. 相似文献
39.
Gemma Bird 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2019,25(4):458-470
The arts can be a powerful tool for emancipation, community building and political expression. This article makes the argument that artistic and cultural expression should be viewed by politicians and policy makers as an effective form of political engagement and an important feedback loop for understanding the political dissatisfaction of the electorate. It draws on one particular historical example, the Négritude movement, to highlight the value and strength of cultural movements in responding to questions of politics and to draw out lessons for current policy makers in recognising the value of culture in effecting political change. Against a contemporary political and scholarly narrative of disaffected citizenship, this article demonstrates that a lack of trust in a political model does not necessarily demonstrate a disinterested citizenry; rather it can suggest a citizenry who have found new and innovative ways to engage. The Négritude movement provides one such historical example. 相似文献
40.
Shannon A. Lowman Nicola Sharratt Bethany L. Turner 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2019,29(1):62-72
This study presents a diachronic analysis of pathological conditions from two samples of human remains at the archaeological site of Tumilaca la Chimba, Peru. The site includes two occupations, one dating to the terminal Middle Horizon or early Late Intermediate Period (LIP; ca. 950–1250 CE), as the Tiwanaku state underwent collapse. Despite political fragmentation, this occupation is characterised by substantial cultural continuity in Tiwanaku practices. The second occupation dates to the later LIP (ca. 1250–1476 CE) and is associated with significant changes in material culture. This study analyses skeletal data derived from cemeteries associated with each occupation in order to compare proxies of nutritional status, infection, and trauma. Paleopathological analysis of individuals from the terminal Middle Horizon Tumilaca cemeteries (N = 20) and LIP Estuquiña cemetery (N = 23) reveals significant differences in age and sex distributions; this could be an artefact of looting and differential excavation or a possible shift in fertility and population demography. There are also differences, though not statistically significant, in the frequencies of pathological conditions including cribra orbitalia, which is higher in the Tumilaca sample, and oral decay, which is higher in the Estuquiña sample. These results tentatively suggest that physiological stressors—particularly those occurring in childhood—did not necessarily abate at this site over time but rather shifted in their causes. These results underscore the importance of bioarchaeological contributions to theorising local experiences of larger sociopolitical transitions in the pre‐Hispanic Andes. 相似文献