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排序方式： 共有1015条查询结果，搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
In this paper, we survey the expanding body of literature on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Chinese and Anglophone geography, and locate the main lines of development. The emerging scholarship approaches the BRI as a spatial discourse and examines the production of geographical reasoning in statecraft. It also links up with studies of the BRI as both a material project and an everyday experience. We argue that it is in this combined understanding of BRI's multiple registers, as discourse, project, and experience, that a trilectical approach for future geographical engagement can be identified as the BRI edges to its second decade. 相似文献
32.
Mario Liong Petula Sik-Ying Ho 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2019,26(7-9):1081-1093
AbstractIn this short review, we explain the need for a multidimensional analytical framework for exploring how the construction of men and masculinities has shaped Hong Kong’s social and political development, and how politics both enable and constrain men in their lived experiences and practices in various life spheres at the city’s current political juncture. We observe that the majority of the extant research on men and masculinities in Hong Kong is depoliticized, whereas studies on current Hong Kong politics are largely gender-blind. However, the ever-tightening grip of the Chinese Communist Party and the instances of political resistance in response, namely, the Umbrella Movement of 2014 and Fishball Revolution of 2016, suggest that the influence of the wider political situation has penetrated every dimension of life, which has considerable implications for masculine identities and practices. Rather than continuing to conduct the depoliticized masculinity studies and genderless political studies we have seen to date, it is time for a thorough investigation of the dynamic intersection of men’s practices and the political context of Hong Kong. 相似文献
33.
Gemma Bird 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2019,25(4):458-470
The arts can be a powerful tool for emancipation, community building and political expression. This article makes the argument that artistic and cultural expression should be viewed by politicians and policy makers as an effective form of political engagement and an important feedback loop for understanding the political dissatisfaction of the electorate. It draws on one particular historical example, the Négritude movement, to highlight the value and strength of cultural movements in responding to questions of politics and to draw out lessons for current policy makers in recognising the value of culture in effecting political change. Against a contemporary political and scholarly narrative of disaffected citizenship, this article demonstrates that a lack of trust in a political model does not necessarily demonstrate a disinterested citizenry; rather it can suggest a citizenry who have found new and innovative ways to engage. The Négritude movement provides one such historical example. 相似文献
34.
Shannon A. Lowman Nicola Sharratt Bethany L. Turner 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2019,29(1):62-72
This study presents a diachronic analysis of pathological conditions from two samples of human remains at the archaeological site of Tumilaca la Chimba, Peru. The site includes two occupations, one dating to the terminal Middle Horizon or early Late Intermediate Period (LIP; ca. 950–1250 CE), as the Tiwanaku state underwent collapse. Despite political fragmentation, this occupation is characterised by substantial cultural continuity in Tiwanaku practices. The second occupation dates to the later LIP (ca. 1250–1476 CE) and is associated with significant changes in material culture. This study analyses skeletal data derived from cemeteries associated with each occupation in order to compare proxies of nutritional status, infection, and trauma. Paleopathological analysis of individuals from the terminal Middle Horizon Tumilaca cemeteries (N = 20) and LIP Estuquiña cemetery (N = 23) reveals significant differences in age and sex distributions; this could be an artefact of looting and differential excavation or a possible shift in fertility and population demography. There are also differences, though not statistically significant, in the frequencies of pathological conditions including cribra orbitalia, which is higher in the Tumilaca sample, and oral decay, which is higher in the Estuquiña sample. These results tentatively suggest that physiological stressors—particularly those occurring in childhood—did not necessarily abate at this site over time but rather shifted in their causes. These results underscore the importance of bioarchaeological contributions to theorising local experiences of larger sociopolitical transitions in the pre‐Hispanic Andes. 相似文献
35.
Stuart Whigham 《Nations & Nationalism》2019,25(4):1212-1237
This article critically examines the predominant narratives which emanated from party political discourse in relation to the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. Utilising a methodological approach centring on political discourse analysis (Fairclough and Fairclough 2012), this paper analyses party manifestos and constitutional policy documents produced by the three largest political parties represented in the Scottish Parliament, namely, the pro‐independence Scottish National Party, and two pro‐union parties, Scottish Labour and the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party. The emergent discourse of each party is interrogated by drawing upon pertinent theoretical concepts from previous academic analyses of Scottish nationalism, with particular attention given to those which have deployed modernist and ethnosymbolist theoretical approaches when analysing the Scottish context. This facilitates a critical reflection on the contrasting and nuanced narratives of the Scottish nation's past and future espoused by each political party vis‐à‐vis modernist and ethnosymbolist theory, illustrating the ways in which contrasting theorisations of nationalism are empirically tangible within political discourse and are thus not simply theoretical abstractions. 相似文献
36.
Alexander J. Harby 《Geography Compass》2019,13(1)
Critical geopolitics has long recognised the role of history in geopolitics, yet popular geopolitics research is often ahistorical, focusing on ongoing conflicts without recognising the context of past wars and ideologies. In this paper, I review the literature on historical popular geopolitics. I use the literary technique of new historicism to evaluate the ways in which geographers have historicised popular geopolitics, in terms of their ideological contexts and influences on the present. Much of this work deals with various forms of media such as films and comic books, often read as products of their time or of their authors' ideologies. Some geographers, however, have been able to combine historicism with non‐representational methodologies to study embodiment, practices of consumption, and affect. I reflect that historicism is vital for understanding the continuity of geopolitics. 相似文献
37.
Jason Hackworth 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2019,110(1):47-53
This essay provides some reflections on the ‘Changing State of Gentrification’ article published in 2001. I focus on three areas that have been raised as critiques of this article: (i) the issue of generalisability; (ii) the mechanics of ‘waves’; and (iii) the conceptualisation of the state. I reemphasise the importance of using gentrification as a window to wider politico‐economic change. 相似文献
38.
This paper seeks to spur conversations around the inherent pluralities found within Black Geographies. While analyses of Black Geographies have provided important reflections on the spatial imaginaries and practices of Black populations, less attention has been paid to the differences found among Black geographical expressions. This piece therefore seeks to draw out the ways in which Black people uniquely conceive of space by highlighting the distinctions present within different Black social movements. The authors explore the spatial politics of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Black Panther Party for Self‐Defense, and the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Afrika to argue that while these three movements all attempted to create spaces of Black self‐determination, they did so with distinct spatial aspirations and concrete politics. The authors argue that recognising and accounting for the pluralities of Black spatial creation is necessary for realising more just geographies. 相似文献
39.
Within the making of Portuguese liberal‐representative democracy, the Portuguese Communist Party became a major actor in local government in urban deprived peripheries, shaping Lisbon's Red Belt. In this article, we analyse the communist discourse on the Portuguese urban question, showing how it politicised the urban as a site of unevenness and deprivation, but simultaneously depoliticised it by refusing to acknowledge it as a proper space for conflict. This historical account leads us to a critical debate with proposals that discuss urban politicisation by ontologising “the urban” or “the political”—we argue that these approaches tend to be less helpful in understanding processes of contingent, partial and inter‐related forms of politicisation/depoliticisation of the urban in itself. In contrast, we argue for a more attentive theorisation on politicisation–depoliticisation of the urban condition as a most valuable path to grasp situated formulations of citizenship and, hence, configurations of political regimes. 相似文献
40.
Alexander Vorbrugg 《对极》2019,51(3):1011-1031
In most literature in geography and agrarian studies, rural dispossession is neatly related to land rights or access, a trend that increased with debates about the recent wave of farmland investments worldwide. Drawing on long‐term fieldwork in rural Russia, this paper critiques that focus and the assumed nexus between rural dispossession and farmland, as is prevents an understanding of more dispersed stakes, modes and temporalities of dispossession. I introduce the concept of dispersed dispossession which advances our understanding of social and relational objects of dispossession beyond natural resources (such as sustaining institutions and infrastructures), and the tangled, complex, often slow and silent modes and temporalities of dispossession beyond spectacular events. I show how the concept sheds new light on current agrarian change in Russia, and how it contributes to debates on (rural) dispossession and “land grabs” more generally. 相似文献