排序方式: 共有43条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
31.
Saheed Aderinto 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2018,46(4):731-757
Anyone born or raised in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, after 1960 would remember Children’s Day, observed every 27 May. However, few knew that it started as Empire Day in the first decade of the twentieth century—fewer are aware that it was a significant symbol of imperial domination, decolonised from the late 1950s to align with postcolonial ideals of self-determination and nation-building. African historical research has examined the sites and symbols (such as western biomedicine and education, police and prison, and indirect rule) through which British imperialism established and maintained itself in Africa. However, little is known about Empire Day, an invented tradition of ritualistic yearly veneration of the glory of the British Empire, which was first celebrated in Britain in 1904 and was immediately introduced to the African colonies. In this article, I examine the story of Empire Day as a significant colonial spectacle and performance of imperial authority in Nigeria, and how it assumed new meanings and functions among diverse groups of Nigerian children and adults. Empire Day, more than any other commemoration, placed children at the centre of imperialism and recognised them as a vital element in the sustenance of an imagined citizenship of the British Empire. 相似文献
32.
Roger Reese 《War & society》2014,33(2):131-153
Soviet wartime propaganda and contemporary Russian work on the activities of the Orthodox Church during the war promote the Church’s claim that it was motivated by patriotism, a point it used to claim legitimacy in the USSR and now in contemporary Russia. In contrast, this paper argues that the hierarchs and laity of the Patriarchal Church were not essentially motivated by patriotism or the desire to show loyalty to the Soviet regime in 1941, but instead acted to use the war to achieve three goals: first and most important, to become relevant in the everyday life of the Soviet people by promoting Christian beliefs and values; second, to earn legitimacy in the eyes of anti-clerics and non-believers by lending moral and practical support to the war effort; and finally, to obtain legal standing by showing its trustworthiness and loyalty through displays of Russian (not Soviet) patriotism consonant with its historic role, all the while without endorsing communist ideology. The hierarchs orchestrated a campaign from the top down throughout the clerical hierarchy, to achieve the aforementioned goals whilst from below the faithful, independently of the hierarchs, used their local displays of patriotism as leverage to reopen local churches and to force the regime to respect their right to worship. The grassroots response by believers and parish clerics in support of the Church and its wartime activities represents primarily an endorsement of the Church, Christianity, Russian patriotism, and only secondarily, if at all, loyalty to the Stalinist regime. 相似文献
33.
夏斯云 《华侨华人历史研究》2009,(2):36-44
针对学术界对华侨联合会研究文章不多的现状,分析了华侨联合会产生的历史背景和特点,阐述了其在民国初年团结华侨积极参加民国的政治、经济、外交、教育等活动。争取华侨权益,以及对民初历史产生的积极影响和历史功绩。回顾这段历史,对于团结海外华侨,发扬其爱国主义精神,引导他们积极参加祖国的现代化建设和统一事业,共同实现中华民族的伟大复兴有着积极的意义。 相似文献
34.
This article brings, for the first time, two of the most pivotal distinctions in nationalism studies into extended dialogue: the civic–ethnic distinction (CED) and the nationalism–patriotism distinction (NPD). By reviewing both the evolution of those distinctions over the previous decades and the ways in which they have been used in quantitative empirical research, we argue that the CED's evolution has been a partial success story, whereas discourse around the NPD has not seen substantial development. Despite lingering inconsistencies, researchers drawing on the CED have been successful in addressing different lines of critique and in using the CED as a heuristic for investigating notions of nationhood as expressed in public perceptions. In contrast, there has been only limited dialogue between theoretical and empirical approaches to the NPD. The article illustrates how research drawing on the NPD could profit from the CED's evolution. We close by providing a conceptual roadmap to guide the path towards more terminological clarity and to construct more theoretically robust measures for nationalism and patriotism. We specifically suggest that nationalism and patriotism should be consistently understood as ideal types that citizens can simultaneously hold to varying degrees. 相似文献
35.
Gal Ariely 《Nations & Nationalism》2012,18(3):461-482
The relationship between globalisation and national identity is puzzling. While some observers have found that globalisation reduces people's identification with their nation, others have reached the opposite conclusion. This article explores this conundrum by examining the relationship between globalisation and people's feelings towards national identity. Using data from the International Social Survey Program National Identity II ( 2003 ) and the World Values Survey ( 2005 ), it analyses these relations across sixty‐three countries. Employing a multilevel approach, it investigates how a country's level of globalisation is related to its public perceptions towards different dimensions of national identity. The results suggest that a country's level of globalisation is not related to national identification or nationalism but it is related negatively to patriotism, the willingness to fight for the country and ethnic conceptions of membership in the nation. An examination of alternative explanations indicates that globalisation has a distinct impact on national identity. 相似文献
36.
胡适于1913年11月在《中国留美学生月报》上发表了题为《国际学生运动》的文章,该文是他参加当年的世界学生同盟会第8次国际大会的感言,阐发了他对于国际学生运动的认识以及中国留学生与这一运动的关系。这篇文章以及胡适留学期间发表的其他英文著述,对于我们理解胡适由"民族主义"到"世界主义"的思想转变过程提供了重要依据,也可以弥补1913年1月至9月由于胡适日记缺失而空白的一段社会活动记录,同时,这些英文著述也为胡适英文文存的收集和整理提供了新的内容。 相似文献
37.
晚清国家观变化所呈现的强烈鲜明的爱国主义精神,恢廓的世界眼光以及各种国家观念纷然杂陈等时代特色,不仅是晚清国家观变化的重要内容和标志,更是当时“千古未有之变局”之纷繁复杂的社会现实在国家观念上的反映。上述特色非但使晚清国家观注入了新的内涵,也加速了晚清国家观由传统王朝观向近代国家观的转变;并对当时中国社会的历史发展及其走向产生了重大而深远的影响。 相似文献
38.
GLENDA SLUGA 《Nations & Nationalism》2009,15(2):299-318
ABSTRACT. This essay examines the influence of sentimentalism on conceptions of patriotism at the turn of the nineteenth century in order to historicise conventional views of the nature of patriotism as a fundamental human emotion. It uses a focus on the intellectual thought of Germaine de Staël in order to understand how a ‘sentimental’ view of patriotism took hold at a crucial moment in the European history of the idea of the nation and of the conceptualisation of emotions. I argue that de Staël's ideas and influence lead us to a radical reconsideration of the significance of the emotional history of patriotism for how we explain nationalism. 相似文献
39.
David Monger 《War & society》2018,37(4):244-261
This article explores several propaganda campaigns aimed at British civilians during 1917. Through examples from campaigns for War Savings, Food Economy and National Service, it argues that propaganda in this crisis year was as much about identifying small, tangible, contributions that individuals could make to the war effort as about more sensational accounts of enemy wrongdoing. Propagandists targeted all sections of society, offering children and some women new status through war work, promoting attractive working conditions for others, and reminding the wealthy of the social responsibilities that their greater economic freedom carried in wartime. The article suggests that the consensual, voluntarist approaches promoted during 1917 remained an important precursor to possible forms of compulsion. 相似文献
40.
范文澜撰成于民族危机关头的《大丈夫》一书,大力表彰了中国历史上具有高尚民族气节的25位英雄人物,弘扬爱国主义精神,在抗战时期产生了激励民众杀敌御侮的巨大作用,产生了深远影响,因而堪称是当代进行历史教育的成功范例。其感人精神和成功经验,对于今天学问家如何撰写观点正确,内容充实、准确,形式上又为群众所喜闻乐见的历史通俗读物,提供了极可宝贵的启示。 相似文献