民初华侨联合会述论

针对学术界对华侨联合会研究文章不多的现状,分析了华侨联合会产生的历史背景和特点,阐述了其在民国初年团结华侨积极参加民国的政治、经济、外交、教育等活动。争取华侨权益,以及对民初历史产生的积极影响和历史功绩。回顾这段历史,对于团结海外华侨,发扬其爱国主义精神,引导他们积极参加祖国的现代化建设和统一事业,共同实现中华民族的伟大复兴有着积极的意义。     

晚清国家观变化的时代特色

晚清国家观变化所呈现的强烈鲜明的爱国主义精神,恢廓的世界眼光以及各种国家观念纷然杂陈等时代特色,不仅是晚清国家观变化的重要内容和标志,更是当时“千古未有之变局”之纷繁复杂的社会现实在国家观念上的反映。上述特色非但使晚清国家观注入了新的内涵,也加速了晚清国家观由传统王朝观向近代国家观的转变;并对当时中国社会的历史发展及其走向产生了重大而深远的影响。     

The evolution of the civic–ethnic distinction as a partial success story: Lessons for the nationalism–patriotism distinction

This article brings, for the first time, two of the most pivotal distinctions in nationalism studies into extended dialogue: the civic–ethnic distinction (CED) and the nationalism–patriotism distinction (NPD). By reviewing both the evolution of those distinctions over the previous decades and the ways in which they have been used in quantitative empirical research, we argue that the CED's evolution has been a partial success story, whereas discourse around the NPD has not seen substantial development. Despite lingering inconsistencies, researchers drawing on the CED have been successful in addressing different lines of critique and in using the CED as a heuristic for investigating notions of nationhood as expressed in public perceptions. In contrast, there has been only limited dialogue between theoretical and empirical approaches to the NPD. The article illustrates how research drawing on the NPD could profit from the CED's evolution. We close by providing a conceptual roadmap to guide the path towards more terminological clarity and to construct more theoretically robust measures for nationalism and patriotism. We specifically suggest that nationalism and patriotism should be consistently understood as ideal types that citizens can simultaneously hold to varying degrees.     

从胡适留学期间的英文著述看其世界主义思想的形成

胡适于1913年11月在《中国留美学生月报》上发表了题为《国际学生运动》的文章,该文是他参加当年的世界学生同盟会第8次国际大会的感言,阐发了他对于国际学生运动的认识以及中国留学生与这一运动的关系。这篇文章以及胡适留学期间发表的其他英文著述,对于我们理解胡适由"民族主义"到"世界主义"的思想转变过程提供了重要依据,也可以弥补1913年1月至9月由于胡适日记缺失而空白的一段社会活动记录,同时,这些英文著述也为胡适英文文存的收集和整理提供了新的内容。     

Empire Day in Africa: Patriotic Colonial Childhood,Imperial Spectacle and Nationalism in Nigeria, 1905–60

Anyone born or raised in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, after 1960 would remember Children’s Day, observed every 27 May. However, few knew that it started as Empire Day in the first decade of the twentieth century—fewer are aware that it was a significant symbol of imperial domination, decolonised from the late 1950s to align with postcolonial ideals of self-determination and nation-building. African historical research has examined the sites and symbols (such as western biomedicine and education, police and prison, and indirect rule) through which British imperialism established and maintained itself in Africa. However, little is known about Empire Day, an invented tradition of ritualistic yearly veneration of the glory of the British Empire, which was first celebrated in Britain in 1904 and was immediately introduced to the African colonies. In this article, I examine the story of Empire Day as a significant colonial spectacle and performance of imperial authority in Nigeria, and how it assumed new meanings and functions among diverse groups of Nigerian children and adults. Empire Day, more than any other commemoration, placed children at the centre of imperialism and recognised them as a vital element in the sustenance of an imagined citizenship of the British Empire.     

传统忧患意识的形成及思想内涵

忧患意识是指人们在使命感和责任感的驱使下,以理性的、富有远见的眼光和戒惧沉毅的心情对待社会和人生的一种精神状态。传统忧患意识的产生是“士”人自我觉醒的结果,忧国忧民的社会责任感是其形成的内在动力,古代哲学辩证观是其产生的思维基础。从思想内涵上来看,忧患意识是一种清醒的危机意识,是一种深切的责任意识,是一种昂扬的奋进意识,是一种理性的超前意识,是一种赤诚的爱国情怀。     

学问家如何写通俗历史读物——范文澜《大丈夫》成功的启示

范文澜撰成于民族危机关头的《大丈夫》一书,大力表彰了中国历史上具有高尚民族气节的25位英雄人物,弘扬爱国主义精神,在抗战时期产生了激励民众杀敌御侮的巨大作用,产生了深远影响,因而堪称是当代进行历史教育的成功范例。其感人精神和成功经验,对于今天学问家如何撰写观点正确,内容充实、准确,形式上又为群众所喜闻乐见的历史通俗读物,提供了极可宝贵的启示。     

Passions,patriotism and nationalism,and Germaine de Staël1

ABSTRACT. This essay examines the influence of sentimentalism on conceptions of patriotism at the turn of the nineteenth century in order to historicise conventional views of the nature of patriotism as a fundamental human emotion. It uses a focus on the intellectual thought of Germaine de Staël in order to understand how a ‘sentimental’ view of patriotism took hold at a crucial moment in the European history of the idea of the nation and of the conceptualisation of emotions. I argue that de Staël's ideas and influence lead us to a radical reconsideration of the significance of the emotional history of patriotism for how we explain nationalism.     

古典爱国主义的现代诠释

本文对古典爱国主义研究中向来未能厘清并容易引起混乱的几个问题,诸如"夷夏之辨"与"胡汉一家";军事、政治上的征服与思想、文化上的反征服;征服者符合历史潮流的统一趋归与被征服者的家国之忠等,试图重新加以辨析和界定,追溯其源头,厘清其演进和流变,评诂其在中国国体形成及中华各族走向融合的历史进程中的作用得失.     

The nation of the people: An analysis of Podemos and Five Star Movement's discourse on the nation

This article empirically explores how populist actors talk about the nation. This is a research area mostly tackled in studies on right-wing populism, with other forms of populist politics usually left out of the analysis. To fill this academic gap, we focus on the Spanish party Podemos and the Italian Five Star Movement (M5S). The former is a paradigmatic example of radical left populism, whereas the latter is commonly considered as a catch-all populist party with no clear ideological connotation. Through a discourse analysis on leaders' speeches and official public declarations, we focus on the role that national identity plays in the strategies of Podemos and M5S and on the type of nation they discursively construct. Whilst Podemos' populist strategy purposely aims at contending to the right ideologically loaded concepts and signifiers to construct an idea of nation fitting the party's leftist values, M5S's strategy mostly aims at appropriating valence issues, such as the “Made in Italy” brand and the concept of “national interest”. Thus, our analysis contributes to clarify the differences between the leftist political culture of Podemos and the “post-ideological” one of M5S, as also reflected by survey data confirming strong differences in “nationalist” attitudes between their respective electorates.