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41.
朱汉国 《史学月刊》2006,3(5):49-54
孙中山在探索中国政党政治模式的过程中,尝试和实践了三种政党政治模式,这就是西方的两党政治模式、“一党治国”模式和国共合作治国模式。孙中山关于中国政党体制三种模式渐次否定的发展过程,既代表了他对中国政党体制的探索过程,也反映了他政治思想的发展过程。孙中山对政党体制的认识发展,与他的政党观念以及三民主义的发展都是一致的。  相似文献   
42.
This paper argues that geographical research needs to pay greater attention to political parties and their relationship to local governing. In returning to, and updating the concept of the local state, analysis of local socio-spatial and political relations reveals the quieter registers of political power in local governing, and in turn what this means for the condition of local democracy. The long-term housing regeneration of a neighbourhood in Gateshead, North East England is used here as an optic to do just that. Through moments of housing activism, the social and political relations between and within a local Labour Party and local state are considered. A local manifestation of a growing trend that questions the representation of mature structures of power that the Labour Party holds in deindustrialised areas of the UK is considered through struggles over decision-making, belonging, representation and legitimacy. Such accounts of the local scale are critical in relation to global political trends; where apathy, cynicism, lack of expectation and representation and insurgent populist parties are increasingly framed as potential political crises of mature western democracies.  相似文献   
43.
陈玮  马占彪  马学勤 《攀登》2005,24(6):33-36
随着中国社会结构的转型以及直接公开的村民选举制度的孚入,使得民族地区的农村权力结构发生了很大的变化,这对村民自治务件下农村基层党组织建设提出了许多值得重视和研究的新课题。本文在对青海省民族地区基层党建工作进行调研的基础上,就如何改进农村基层党组织的领导方式问题进行了相应探讨。  相似文献   
44.
Cambridge University has been featured in a wide range of studies of the long 18th century, but few have focused exclusively on the dynamics behind its politics. This is surprising since many of the Cambridge University electors were close to leading parliamentarians. The Cambridge University constituency was contested at each of the three successive general elections from 1780 onwards until 1796. Parliamentary contests often brought Cambridge University's political tensions into focus, which is why a detailed analysis of the poll books can demonstrate how different networks within the university behaved and could define the performance of candidates for the constituency. The relationships between the chancellors, vice-chancellors, high stewards, university officers, college heads, fellows, senate members and members of parliament who collectively made up the leadership are fundamental to understanding the electorate of Cambridge University. These relationships, in terms of friendships, alliances and rivalries, also influenced political and patronage networks within the university. William Pitt the Younger's success in changing the political complexion of Cambridge University is part of the broader realignment in British politics during the final two decades of the 18th century. Under the pressure of these events, Whig unity would come to an end as new divisions between ministerialists and reformers emerged. The experience of Cambridge University can shed light on the national shifts as well as how electioneering was carried out in the university parliamentary constituencies.  相似文献   
45.
康永超 《攀登》2011,30(5):1-6
城乡一体化战略思想的形成和确立,是十六大以来以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央推进理论创新取得的重大成果。这一战略思想的形成和确立,既有理论渊源,又有实践基础,是伴随着十六欠以来科学发展的推进,通过对城乡关系认识的不断深化而实现的,其形成和确立具有重大的理论和实践意义。  相似文献   
46.
王浩 《攀登》2011,30(4):110-112
本文从当前我国西部地方党报发展的现状入手,分析西部地方党报在新时期发展过程中所面临的诸多困难和挑战,提出创新是西部地方党报摆脱困境,实现自我生存和发展的主要任务,并从办报理念、转变观念、新闻策划、版面改革、管理模式,以及向内地先进报业集团学习、加强队伍建设等方面进行了深入探讨,认为唯有不断创新,我国西部地方党报才能有一片广阔的发展天地。  相似文献   
47.
伊斯兰党是马来西亚主要反对党之一,1990年以来,该党在华人只占4.43%的吉兰丹州长期执政,进行伊斯兰教国实践,其伊斯兰化政策引起朝野争议。论文介绍了伊斯兰党在吉兰丹的伊斯兰化政策,分析了基于伊斯兰党的种族理念,吉兰丹政府的华人政策和吉兰丹华人对伊斯兰党及其州政府的态度,说明坚决支持和坚决反对伊斯兰党的华人是少数,中间派是多数。伊斯兰党在吉兰丹州的执政证明,他们公正、廉洁,能够善待华人,使外州华人不再像过去那样抗拒伊斯兰党。吉兰丹模式对马来西亚其他地方马来人和华人具有示范意义。  相似文献   
48.
张书林 《攀登》2007,26(3):32-36
本文研究了党内反倾向斗争与党内和谐的互动模型和互动状态。从理论上看,开展党内反倾向斗争是实现党内和谐的重要手段,而党内和谐的政治生活局面也能够有效地规避党内错误倾向的产生;从历史上看,党内反倾向斗争的历程就是不断建构党内和谐的历程;从实践上看,党内反倾向斗争的基本经验实际上指明了现实中构建党内和谐的路径选择。  相似文献   
49.
陈先初 《安徽史学》2007,3(2):89-94
在1949年之前的二三十年时间里,张君劢经过自己的独立思考形成了具有特色的政党观.他不赞成无条件引入西方模式,先是主张政党专心于国民政治教育,为政党政治创造条件;继而采取政党合作、"举国一致"之立场,旨在避免政党竞争之"流弊",并集中力量共赴国难.同时他在借鉴西方经验的基础上,就如何进行"理想政党"之建设提出了不少建设性意见.  相似文献   
50.
This article inspects the nature of the Scottish National Party and its place in the breakdown of the two-party system across the United Kingdom in the 1970s and 1980s. This is achieved through an examination of the SNP’s approach in the small city of Dundee, where the party enjoyed a sustained period of success. It highlights the commonalities between the SNP and the Liberals in the 1970s and SDP-Liberal Alliance in the 1980s. The Nationalists adopted a similar third-party role in Dundee, centring their approach on their moderate politics rather than solely on the issue of self-government. The party’s effectiveness in pursuing this approach allowed it to hold on to the Dundee East constituency from 1974 to 1987, until ideological changes affecting the national party made it increasingly impossible to hold firm to this strategy. Nonetheless, this study makes clear that the rise of Scottish Nationalism was a part of a process of British-wide political change, and should not be understood in isolation from the rest of the country.  相似文献   
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