邓小平政治合法性思想探微

十一届三中全会以后,邓小平以其睿智和远见,从重塑主流意识形态、加强经济绩效建设、启动政治权威的法理化转型、加强执政党的建设等四个方面,着力构建新时期党的执政合法性基础。在邓小平政治合法性思想的指导下,我们党不仅成功地化解了“文革”导致的政治合法性危机,而且经受住了20世纪80年代末和90年代初国内外政治风波的考验,避免了前苏联及东欧一些国家政权变色和国家分裂的悲剧。邓小平的政治合法性思想,对新世纪保持我们党执政地位的稳固和国家的长治久安,有着长远的指导意义。     

Mr. Ely’s amendment: Massachusetts Federalists and the politicization of slave representation

Responding to state electoral losses in 1804, Massachusetts Federalists vehemently pursued an antislavery measure called the Ely amendment, which sought to end the three-fifths clause. Despite failure to pass the Ely amendment, opposition to the three-fifths compromise became central to Federalist politics through the Missouri crisis in 1820. Federalists participating in the Missouri debates chose to let Republican politicians lead the opposition to slavery’s expansion after putting forth their critique of the three-fifths clause. Yet Federalists’ repeated attempts to pass the Ely amendment ensured that a generation of Massachusetts citizens connected the three-fifths clause with southern domination.     

Scotland’s Electoral Geography Differed from the Rest of Britain’s in 2017 (and 2015) – Exploring its Contours

The rapid expansion in support for the Scottish National Party (SNP) between the 2010 and 2015 general elections substantially changed the country’s electoral geography, as again did its relative decline at the next election in 2017. At that last contest, however, the SNP won many seats with fewer than 40% of the votes cast, a situation very different from that in the rest of Great Britain. That difference – which had a considerable impact on the formation of a government in June 2017 – came about because of the nature of the competition in individual seats.     

Explaining the 2016 Islamist Mobilisation in Indonesia: Religious Intolerance,Militant Groups and the Politics of Accommodation

There has been an intense scholarly debate about what caused the unprecedented Islamist mass demonstrations in Indonesia in late 2016. Some scholars have argued that increasing intolerance and conservatism among the Muslim population are responsible, while others have disputed such notions, claiming that there is no evidence of widespread support for an Islamist agenda. In this article, we analyse a unique set of polling data to show that a) conservative attitudes among Indonesian Muslims were declining rather than increasing prior to the mobilisation, but that b) around a quarter of Indonesian Muslims do support an Islamist socio-political agenda. Importantly, we demonstrate that this core constituency of conservative Muslims has grown more educated, more affluent and better connected in the last decade or so, increasing its organisational capacity. We argue that this capacity was mobilised at a time when conservative Muslims felt excluded from the current polity, following the end of a decade of accommodation.     

Factors of party system fragmentation: A cross-national study

This article uses a representative sample of elections held in 82 countries of the world (1993–2012) for a statistical analysis of factors that explain the number of parties in national legislative elections. The analysis confirms that the proliferation of candidates and/or parties at the district level contributes to the number of national parties, but the other crucial determinant is party system nationalisation. Several factors that are believed to have an impact on party system fragmentation, such as economic wealth, federalism, linguistic fractionalisation and population size, exert their influence on the number of national parties indirectly, by affecting either the number of district parties or party system nationalisation. At the same time, the significance of many other factors, especially those pertaining to electoral systems and the general political–institutional context, can be properly estimated only if the strongest determinants of system-level fragmentation are controlled for.

本文使用了世界82个国家选举（1993—2012）的代表性样本,对国家立法选举中决定政党数量的因素进行了统计分析。作者认为,地区层次的候选人以及/或政党层出不穷,对全国性政党的数量有所影响,而政党体系的全国化也是一个关键因素。有几个因素估计对政党体系的碎片化有影响,像经济财富、联邦主义、语言及人口规模等等便通过影响地区政党的数量或政党体系的全国化,而对全国性政党的数量产生了间接的影响。与此同时,其他许多因素,尤其是涉及选举制度以及一般政治—体制环境的因素,也可以进行恰当地评估,但要以决定了体制层面碎片化的最强因素作为对照。     

Liberal party performance and polarisation

Nagel and Wlezien's ‘vacant centre’ theory suggests that parties close to the centre tend to do better when a political system is highly polarised, creating an empty space in the political market. Cross-nationally, this does not seem to be true when overall system polarisation is used as the independent variable: indeed, there seems to be a slight negative relationship. The farther apart conservative and social democratic parties are, however, the better that liberal parties tend to do. This parallels Nagel and Wlezien's findings for Great Britain specifically.

纳格尔和乌勒子安的“空虚中心”理论指出,在政治体系高度两极化、形成政治市场某种空虚的情况下,接近中心的政党可以做得更好。跨国地看,如果把整个系统的两极化看做自变量的话,这种说法不确,二者之间倒是有些负相关。不过,保守党和社会民主党背道而驰得越远,自由党就干得越好。这倒接近纳格尔和乌勒子安对英国情况的总结。     

执政党建设与中国政党制度的民主价值

当代中国正处于剧烈的社会转型期,多元利益诉求引发的政治参与膨胀,对政党制度民主价值的进一步挖掘和发挥提出了更高的要求。执政党党内民主的发展,直接影响到社会民主以及整个国家民主政治发展的进程,而加强执政党的建设则是充分发挥中国政党制度民主价值的关键路径。     

对加强家庭廉政文化建设的思考

家庭廉政文化是党风廉政建设的重要内容。切实把握家庭廉政文化的内涵,针对存在的问题和原因,全面加强家庭廉政文化建设,是社会和谐发展的需要。     

巩固思想阵地 夯实执政基石——关于青海省藏区县级党校建设的调研与思考

县级党校事关基层政权稳固和当地经济社会发展的大局,青海藏区县级党校是党进行思想政治教育的阵地,更是党的执政地位的重要政治屏障,加强青海藏区县级党校建设有其必要性和紧迫性。本文从教师队伍、培训轮训、科研工作、办学条件、经费收支等方面分析青海藏区县级党校建设的现状及其存在的问题、面临的困境与挑战,指出青海藏区县级党校总体状况不容乐观,亟待加强。在此基础上,从强化领导、加强教师队伍建设、加大投入改善办学条件、完善功能、发挥咨询作用、扩大培训内容与规模等方面,就如何加强青海藏区县级党校建设提出具体的对策建议。     

党要不断完善执政方略的评估体系

完善党的执政方略的评估体系具有极端的紧迫性和重要性。为了使评估科学、公正,必须增加评估主体,促进评估主体多元化,重视发挥媒体的作用,还应积极引进专家学者和专门机构参与评估实践。构建执政方略的评估体系,关键是要确定科学的评估标准。