民族地区建党建政对马克思主义理论的丰富与发展

中国共产党在民族地区建党建政的理论与实践丰富和发展了马克思主义的理论宝库,主要体现在：坚持以马克思主义为指导,探寻符合民族地区实际的建党建政思路;高度重视建党与建政的紧密联系,以党的建设带动政权建设;创新民族地区政权模式,实行民族区域自治制度;培养选拔高素质民族干部,确保各族人民当家作主;确立民族工作的主题,致力于各民族实现科学发展;高举爱国主义旗帜,始终维护民族团结和国家统一。     

提高民族地区党的建设科学化水平研究

党的十七届四中全会提出了“不断提高党的建设科学化水平”的重大命题,既对党的建设提出了新要求,也为民族地区加强党的建设指明了方向。提高民族地区党的建设科学化水平,必须从民族地区的实际出发,认真分析民族地区党的建设面临的新形势新任务,在继承民族地区党建工作经验的基础上,将中央对提高党的建设科学化水平的一般性要求与民族地区党的建设工作的实践有机结合起来,找准和把握提高民族地区党的建设科学化水平的着力点,积极探求提高民族地区党的建设科学化水平的规律,努力探索出一条提高民族地区党的建设科学化水平的新路子。     

非公有制企业党建：一种互补性的制度建构

非公有制企业党建工作制度创新是党的建设适应新时代要求革故鼎新的制度形态,是非公企业党建工作的内在要求和根本导向,其与非公企业制度间产生的共时性制度互补关系是非公企业党的制度建构的本质特征和嵌入依据,非公企业党建制度互补性的生成受到多层次制度嵌入性的影响,包括宏观体制性嵌入、微观制度嵌入和非正式规范嵌入。     

围绕中心服务大局努力提升党建工作科学化水平

党建研究是党建工作的重要组成部分。深入探究党建工作的本质和规律,制定正确的目标任务,寻求有效的途径和方法,是做好党建工作的前提和基础,也是各级党组织重要的工作内容和工作方法。文章结合西宁市实际,提出了进一步搞好地方党建研究工作的思路。     

论近代英国内阁制的形成

英国是西方世界首创内阁制的国家。早在斯图亚特王朝后期,在种种主客观因素的推动下,此前处于萌芽状态的内阁逐渐走向公开化、独立化、制度化,由此标志着内阁制在英国的形成。不过,与18世纪中后叶的责任制内阁相比,此间的内阁依然残留着君主政治的痕迹。对于王权的依附以及与议会之间缺乏必然的关联,使得责任制在内阁中还未建立起来。只有到汉诺威王朝时期,当王权急剧衰落、议会主权地位确立后,早期的内阁制才完成了向责任内阁制的转变。     

The cultural construction of Italy in Albania and vice versa: Migration dynamics,strategies of resistance and politics of mutual self-definition across colonialism and post-colonialism

This article analyses the shifting ways in which Italy has been strategically represented in Albania during the different key passages of the latter's relatively recent history as a sovereign independent state. As a parallel narrative, the article also examines the way Albania has been equally strategically represented in Italy before and during the two periods in which Italy has been militarily involved in Albania, and the way this has been consistent with an attempt to elaborate and sustain a politically strategic definition of Italian identity and culture. The history of the asymmetrical relationship between Albania and Italy is deeply embedded in the social, cultural and political environments that are on the two shores of the Adriatic Sea. The cultural construction of Albania in Italy and vice versa of Italy in Albania should be linked to seemingly independent instances of domestic reforms. The dynamics of projective identification or dis-identification stemming from these instances should be seen as intertwined within two parallel processes of mutual definition encompassing both the colonial and the postcolonial relations between and within the two countries.     

Amici fragili: the alliance between the Lega Nord and the Popolo della Libertà as seen by their representatives and members

The alliance between the Lega Nord (LN) and Forza Italia (FI), later Popolo della Libertà (PDL), continued, uninterrupted, for over a decade, until November 2011. The problems that beset it under the fourth Berlusconi government are known; however, there is a lack of academic analysis of how such an alliance was seen and experienced by the people who made up the fabric of its constituent organisations. Based on interviews with institutional representatives and members from both parties, this article addresses the question of how people within them saw their ally and its leaders, and what they thought of the centre-right alliance under the fourth Berlusconi government. The analysis reveals that, although the LN's rhetoric, style and uncompromising stances on policy were the target of much criticism within the PDL, the latter nonetheless showed much respect for its ally, the way it was led, its ability to communicate effectively and its rootedness at the local level. However, LN members and representatives were, in turn, extremely critical of the PDL and its leader, and very much conceived of the alliance as a ‘marriage of convenience’. This notwithstanding, it is reasonable to expect that the PDL and the LN may find ways to rebuild their alliance in the future, if indeed the PDL continues to exist in its present form, due to their fundamental compatibility at the ideological level and their understanding of each other's priorities.     

Party organisational change in Italy (1991–2006)

This article analyses, adopting the well-known approach of Katz and Mair, the issue of organizational change within Italian political parties since 1990. In addition to an account of trends in membership, local units, finances, staff, and of changes in party statutes, the article aims at testing the widespread view in the literature that organizational resources–hence power–are becoming more and more concentrated in the hands of party and/or parliamentary leaders, and correspondingly that the territorial presence of parties is declining. The analysis of the change over time of Katz and Mair's party organisational ‘faces’ leads to the confirmation, to a large extent, of the overall hypothesis of a decline of the party at ground level, and a concentration of party resources in the central office, and above all in the party in public office.     

The 2006 election: more than ever,a Berlusconi-centred campaign

Abstract

The article offers a review of the most salient events of the 2006 electoral campaigns. It argues that with exception of 1994, the recent 2006 electoral campaign has been more focused on Berlusconi than the previous campaigns. As a matter of fact, Berlusconi, trailing in the polls, made all possible efforts to set the campaign agenda. He resorted to a massive overexposure of himself on the television stage and gave rise to a number of ‘media events’ that have dominated the electoral narratives, like the Vicenza speech at the Confindustria conventions and his final announcement of abolishing the municipal tax on homeowners. All that was not enough to gain re-election, but his frantic campaign activity allowed him to re-acquire a clear leadership of the House of Liberties, which had been previously challenged by his own coalition partners. The article analyses also the Berlusconi – Prodi debates, and the reasons why electoral debates promise to become a fixed feature of the Italian politics.     

邓小平政治合法性思想探微

十一届三中全会以后,邓小平以其睿智和远见,从重塑主流意识形态、加强经济绩效建设、启动政治权威的法理化转型、加强执政党的建设等四个方面,着力构建新时期党的执政合法性基础。在邓小平政治合法性思想的指导下,我们党不仅成功地化解了“文革”导致的政治合法性危机,而且经受住了20世纪80年代末和90年代初国内外政治风波的考验,避免了前苏联及东欧一些国家政权变色和国家分裂的悲剧。邓小平的政治合法性思想,对新世纪保持我们党执政地位的稳固和国家的长治久安,有着长远的指导意义。