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71.
Janelle McLaughlin Guillaume Fortin Daniel Bourque Thomas Guyondet 《The Canadian geographer》2015,59(4):504-518
72.
文章以CGSS2006调查数据中10151位居民资料为基础,运用多层线性模型分析了个人和结构层次因素对我国居民休闲参与的影响。研究发现,尽管多数居民休闲参与的方差存在于个人层次的因素中,但是仍有约20%的总变异是由结构层次因素引起的。分析结果显示,在个人层次上,居民所属的世代、社会经济地位、个性对其休闲活动参与有显著影响:在结构层次上,家庭收入、职业类别、单位类型、都市化程度以及区域等因素与居民休闲参与有显著影响;在影响居民休闲参与中,结构层次因索给出了约束框架,并调节个人层次因素的影响力。 相似文献
73.
《Australian journal of political science》2012,47(1):11-29
Although many scholars agree that social interactions within traditional social groups build social capital, there is less consensus on the benefits of virtual interactions on the Internet. The authors compare the activity of Americans and Australians based on a common battery of social network interaction questions. Their findings suggest that virtual social interactions foster many of the same positive social capital traits for citizenship norms and political participation that are produced by traditional in-person social networks. Thus, social networking and virtual interaction have the potential to generate new stocks of social capital in contemporary democracies. 相似文献
74.
Sybille Gerstengarbe 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》1994,17(1):17-39
On 7 April 1933 the statute ?Gesetz zur Wiederherstellung des Berufsbeamtentums”? authorized German universities to dismiss staff because of race and/or politics. At the end of 1934 the Ministry of Science, Arts and National Education demanded lists of university teachers, who had to leave the universities as a consequence of the above law. The present lists fully compile the universities in Germany in 1934. 相似文献
75.
Catherine Secretan 《Revue de synthèse / Centre international de synthèse》2005,126(1):15-32
Did the promulgation of the Edict of Nantes find, in the Netherlands, an echo comparable to the one caused by the revocation of this same Edict, a century later? A first inquiry through documents directly related to events of that period (letters of politicians, pamphlets, synod acts, etc.) do not provide any revealing account of a Dutch interest in the French biconfessionalism settlement. The hypothesis put forward in this paper in order to explain this silence from the Dutch side are based on the stake shifting between France and the Netherlands, at that time, concerning tolerance. 相似文献
76.
Grigorii V. Golosov 《Australian journal of political science》2015,50(1):42-60
This article uses a representative sample of elections held in 82 countries of the world (1993–2012) for a statistical analysis of factors that explain the number of parties in national legislative elections. The analysis confirms that the proliferation of candidates and/or parties at the district level contributes to the number of national parties, but the other crucial determinant is party system nationalisation. Several factors that are believed to have an impact on party system fragmentation, such as economic wealth, federalism, linguistic fractionalisation and population size, exert their influence on the number of national parties indirectly, by affecting either the number of district parties or party system nationalisation. At the same time, the significance of many other factors, especially those pertaining to electoral systems and the general political–institutional context, can be properly estimated only if the strongest determinants of system-level fragmentation are controlled for.
本文使用了世界82个国家选举（1993—2012）的代表性样本,对国家立法选举中决定政党数量的因素进行了统计分析。作者认为,地区层次的候选人以及/或政党层出不穷,对全国性政党的数量有所影响,而政党体系的全国化也是一个关键因素。有几个因素估计对政党体系的碎片化有影响,像经济财富、联邦主义、语言及人口规模等等便通过影响地区政党的数量或政党体系的全国化,而对全国性政党的数量产生了间接的影响。与此同时,其他许多因素,尤其是涉及选举制度以及一般政治—体制环境的因素,也可以进行恰当地评估,但要以决定了体制层面碎片化的最强因素作为对照。 相似文献
77.
William Margulies 《Australian journal of political science》2015,50(2):241-257
Nagel and Wlezien's ‘vacant centre’ theory suggests that parties close to the centre tend to do better when a political system is highly polarised, creating an empty space in the political market. Cross-nationally, this does not seem to be true when overall system polarisation is used as the independent variable: indeed, there seems to be a slight negative relationship. The farther apart conservative and social democratic parties are, however, the better that liberal parties tend to do. This parallels Nagel and Wlezien's findings for Great Britain specifically.
纳格尔和乌勒子安的“空虚中心”理论指出,在政治体系高度两极化、形成政治市场某种空虚的情况下,接近中心的政党可以做得更好。跨国地看,如果把整个系统的两极化看做自变量的话,这种说法不确,二者之间倒是有些负相关。不过,保守党和社会民主党背道而驰得越远,自由党就干得越好。这倒接近纳格尔和乌勒子安对英国情况的总结。 相似文献
78.
Darren Sharpe 《Children's Geographies》2015,13(2):240-248
This article reviews the legacy of young people's involvement in policy research in the UK and proposes an approach of collaboration with young people that may be useful in other settings. It critiques the sociocultural and socioeconomic context relevant to young people's involvement in research, using the Young Researcher Network (YRN) as a case study. A key benefit of using the YRN has been the ability to identify and analyse potential barriers and facilitators influencing the relationships of young people and organisations whilst both groups worked together to improve policy. This allowed young people to connect to the policy environment in a meaningful way. The approach has been embedded into The Office for the Children's Commissioner in England, the National Institute for Health Research as well as other leading youth organisations in the UK, which is likely to increase the direct involvement of young people in policy research. 相似文献
79.
Ghazi Falah 《The Canadian geographer》1997,41(3):307-330
This paper explores seven scenarios of Palestinian state formation and attempts to propose a suitable peaceful territorial solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict. The ‘good’ and the ‘bad’ features of each scenario are examined against the backdrop of recent geopolitical developments and the complex geographic and demographic realities of the region. Some of these scenarios suggest that a peaceful territorial arrangement should involve incorporating some Israeli territory, encompassing a broad segment of the Palestinian population and exploring the possibilities of sharing territory through condominium arrangements. Drawing anew upon the boundaries and partitioning principle of the 1947 United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine, the author offers a proposal for the peaceful and permanent settlement of the conflict. According to this scenario, Palestine would be repartitioned and divided into four political entities: A Palestinian sovereign area on 30.3 percent of the territory, a Palestinian autonomous region on 4.5 percent, an Israeli sovereign area on 55.6 percent, and areas under a condominium arrangement on 9.6 percent of the land. Arguably, such territorial configuration of space proposes genuine options for dealing with the geographical problems of refugee settlement, demography, ethnic composition, and the retention of Israel's national identity (i.e., Jewishness), whilst also suggesting a concrete basis for peaceful coexistence rooted in the geographical imperatives and realities of the region. Cet article évalue sept configurations possibles de l'État palestinien et tente de proposer une solution pacifique au conflit entre Israel et la Palestine. A la lumiere des développements géopolitiques récents ainsi que des réalités ggographiques et démographiques de la rggion, l'auteur examine le pour et le contre de chacune des sept configurations. Certaines configurations font éat du fait que, pour en arriver a une rgsolution pacifique, (a) Ifftat palestinien devra comprendre des territoires actuellement sous le contrdle d'lsrael; (b) il devra regrou- per une forte majorite de la population palestinienne; et (c) le partage des territoires par l'entremise d'enten- tes genre ‘condominium’ mérite d'sêtre exploré. S'inspirant à nouveau du principe des ‘frontieres et du morcellement des terres’ dont fait l'objet le United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine de 1947, l'auteur propose une solution pacifique et perrnanente au conflit. Selon le scenario prefgrt?, la Palestine serait redivisge sur le plan territorial. Quatre entité politiques résulteraient de ce re-morcellement: un état Palestinien souverain sur 30,3 pour cent du territoire, une rggion d'autonomie palestinienne sur 4,5 pour cent du territoire, un état Israélite souverain sur 55,6 pour cent du territoire et une région (9,6 pour cent du territoire) gérge par l'entremise dententes genre ‘condominium’. En même temps qu'elle propose des methodes concrétes de composer avec les problemes ggographiques en ce qui concerne l'établissement des réfugiés, la demographie, la composition ethnique des états individuels et le maintien de l'identite nationale d'lsrael, cette solution propose aussi une base solide pour la coexistence des deux nationalitgs, base ancrtée dans les imperatifs et les réalités ggographiques de la region. 相似文献
80.
IAN E.A. YEBOAH NIGEL M. WATERS 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》1997,88(4):353-368
The urban center has become an important arena of economic participation for increasing numbers of Sub-Saharan Africans. Because of problems associated with censuses, economic assessment of participation rates, proportions employed, unemployed and underemployed and their temporal and spatial variations are unreliable for most countries. In addition, die relationship between changes in national economies, economic participation and survival strategies to combat changes are not fully appreciated. This article demonstrates that changes in Ghana's post-independence economy have influenced urban participation. It identifies survival strategies that have been adopted by urban residents to combat changes in national economy, and also investigates temporal and spatial variations in urban participation. Explanation for spatial variations in urban participation are traced to the context of urban growth and development in different parts of die country. Planning implications for the economic health of towns in the country and their residents are discussed. The article concludes with general lessons for Sub-Saharan Africa. 相似文献