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81.
试论美国对中国核武器研制的评估与对策(1961-1964) 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
本文利用美国政府最新解密材料,对1961-1964年间美国对中国进行核试验的时间、地点、核原料及运载能力的侦察情况进行了阐述.并对美国对中国研制核武器的评估和对策进行分析,其评估与对策是建立在过分夸大中国核威胁的基础之上的.中国研制核武器是为了保卫中国人民免受核威胁,而且,中国在任何时候、任何情况下都不会首先使用核武器. 相似文献
82.
试述制约旅游业有效竞争的因素与对策 总被引:7,自引:1,他引:6
本文对目前市场中存在制约旅游企业有效竞争的因素进行分析,并提出相应对策. 相似文献
83.
Gilbert Gagné 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2019,25(5):615-628
ABSTRACTThe US government has long held that cultural goods and services represent an economic sector like any other and should be liberalized. The American cultural and digital industries enjoy a strong competitive advantage and constitute a leading export sector. This US stance has antagonized many countries pursuing cultural policies. This has led the US government to soften its trade strategy and accept financial measures, as well as a broader array of ‘traditional’ cultural regulatory instruments. At the same time, the United States insists on the absence of restrictions in digital networks, through which cultural contents are to be increasingly distributed and accessed. Under the negative-list negotiating approach, whereby everything is liberalized save for specific exceptions, states parties to US trade agreements have secured a varying array of measures. However, only a handful, essentially industrial countries, have secured digital exceptions, the latter coupled with conditions raising questions concerning their applicability. 相似文献
84.
Eliza Gheorghe 《European Review of History》2014,21(2):235-253
This article examines the connection between détente in Europe and East–West nuclear technology transfers through the lens of Romania's co-operation policy in the field of atomic energy in the 1960s. It argues that until 1967 the bourgeoning relations between Western Europe and Romania did not stem from a desire to overcome the artificial division of Europe, but rather from the pursuit of unilateral economic benefits. This situation worked to the advantage of the Romanians, who acquired an important nuclear research reactor from the British by playing West European countries against one another. Afterwards, in order to boost their competitiveness, the West Europeans started pooling their nuclear industries together, although traditional rivalries such as the Anglo-French competition endured. Despite these efforts to achieve closer integration, the West Europeans failed to sell a nuclear power plant to Romania because of internal problems within their nuclear–industrial complexes, and because of Soviet meddling in the internal affairs of its satellites. This research adds to our understanding of Romania's détente policy during the 1960s, while also shedding light on the development of East–West relations in the field of atomic energy. 相似文献
85.
近年来,印度对外开放的步伐日益加快,最明显的就是印度参与自由贸易区的力度越来越大。尤其新世纪以来,印度已经同多个国家和地区缔结了自贸协定。综合来看,印度自由贸易区战略包括了政治和经济利益诉求。就发展前景来看,虽然有若干有利因素,但挑战也不容忽视。 相似文献
86.
西江中游地区是岭南历史文化区内一个相对独立的考古学文化区,新石器时代大致经历了三种生业经济形态,早期是一种广谱的渔猎采集经济,中期是一种利用贝类为主的渔猎采集经济,晚期是较发达的稻作农业经济。演进过程在整个文化区内具有一致性。贝类利用自新石器时代早期开始呈现出一种显著强化的趋势,但一直未在食物结构中占据主要地位。 相似文献
87.
在二语习得领域,影响语言学习策略使用的因素分析是近几年来语言学家的兴趣所在。通过阅读大量二语习得领域的资料,作者发现性别、职业、语言学习观、语言水平和学习者动机是对语言学习策略使用影响最为显著的因素。 相似文献
88.
89.
《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2017,27(4):527-536
This paper explores the application of quick, simple and low‐cost procedures for data collection in commercial‐driven ‘salvage’ archaeology. In large‐scale cemetery contexts, the collection of a meaningful data set is often under extreme time and cost constraints. This requires the application of tailored field techniques and interdisciplinary collaboration between archaeologists, anthropologists and developers in order to maximise results. The authors examine procedures recently utilised to document and preserve skeletal data in three post‐mediaeval cemeteries in Prague, and evaluate their efficacy. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
90.
Mark McNally 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2017,22(3):314-337
This article examines the divisions in Italian socialism between revolutionaries and reformists against the backdrop of the Biennio Rosso (1919–20), taking the writings of Antonio Gramsci and Claudio Treves respectively as characteristic of the two traditions. The central focus is on their opposing accounts of how the socialist movement should organize the masses to achieve its objectives – referred to here as its ‘democratic strategy.’ I demonstrate how the key strategic elements of Gramsci’s and Treves’s positions developed in a dialogue centered on the place that violence, (il)legality, soviets, parliaments and compromise should play in effectively mobilizing the masses for socialism. The article concludes by arguing that in retrospect Treves’s reformism has been a more successful approach, and Gramsci himself conceded something to it in his prison writings. However, I also maintain that the popular character of Gramsci’s radical democratic strategy – first fashioned in the Biennio Rosso – can still contribute to debates on socialism and social democracy today. 相似文献