排序方式: 共有156条查询结果,搜索用时 22 毫秒
11.
Melissa Shaffer-O’Connell 《The American review of Canadian studies》2017,47(1):89-100
Federalism often creates additional decisions for interest groups in determining how best to advocate for their policy recommendations in the legislative process. Should they focus their advocacy at the local, state, or national level of government? This article examines interest group behaviors in water quality policy in the Great Lakes region from 1960 to 2000. I evaluate the reasons for interest group decisions about which level of government to target, using historical analysis of Great Lakes water quality policy in the United States and Canada. The results of this analysis show that in many cases groups are influenced in their decision-making based on the level of government that has the greatest jurisdiction over the policy, supporting a neoinstitutional argument. 相似文献
12.
Vince Scappatura 《Australian journal of political science》2014,49(4):596-610
This article critically evaluates the agenda and strategy of the Australian American Leadership Dialogue (AALD) for protecting and strengthening the Australia–US alliance. Nominally an exercise in informal diplomacy dedicated to fostering mutual understanding, the AALD functions more like a pro-American lobby group as it seeks to preserve orthodox thinking and eschew dissenting perspectives. The AALD performs this function in three main ways: by carefully framing discussion and debate, by socialising Australian elites into the alliance orthodoxy and by serving as a ‘gatekeeper’ of the status quo.
本文对保卫、加强澳美联盟的澳美领袖对话提出批评。该对话虽然名义上只是加强共同理解的非正式外交实践, 但其作用更像是亲美游说集团,因为它要保持正统的思路,回避不同的观点。该对话用三种方式实现这一功能:小心地设置讨论和辩论;向澳大利亚精英灌输联盟的正统观;充当现状的守门人。 相似文献
13.
Timothy M. LaPira 《政策研究杂志》2014,42(2):226-251
Does the emergence of a new boundary‐spanning policy regime shift the focus of well‐established organized interests, or does it mobilize new ones? In this article, I show that interest groups with a presence in Washington before 9/11 rapidly—but temporarily—shift their attention to the homeland security issues. Established groups' entrenchment in antecedent subsystems appears to buffer against widespread policy disruption and interest upheaval. However, a new set of previously latent groups opportunistically mobilizes after the regime is institutionalized. Newly mobilized groups replace those that retreat back to the regime's antecedent subsystems. Though the policy regime fails to resolve the jurisdictional turf conflicts that triggered its creation, the institutionalization of homeland security generates its own original, distinct government demand for lobbying. Interests that previously had no business in Washington before 9/11 took advantage of the new opportunities the regime offered without supplanting interests established long before the Department of Homeland Security and its congressional committees existed. 相似文献
14.
19世纪30~40年代是近代法国社会、经济发展和变化的重要时期。在这个时期,资产阶级共和派为继承大革命精神、发扬共和原则和实现共和制度,进行了持续的斗争,共和运动因此勃兴。这场共和运动方式多样,派别众多,为法国最终确立共和制度打下了坚实的理论和群众基础。 相似文献
15.
The differences between China and Western countries in human and physical environment has brought about two distinctive models
of state. In the Chinese-style state of quasi-consanguinity, in which family and state have a similar structure, imperial
power, gentry power, and clan power are the product of common ownership of consanguineous groups. The similarity in the structures
of these three kinds of power derives from the fact that they are all restricted by the power of lineage generated from the
self-sufficient small farmer economy, and must obey the conventions of ancestors which hold the benefits of the group as supreme.
The relationship between these three kinds of power, is definitely not the one that is based on the division of power that
is founded on individual private ownership in Western countries, where ‘public power’ and ‘individual private ownership’ are
antithetic, but are three aspects of the patriarchal dictatorship that complement each other. Therefore, village rule in China
and autonomy in the West are two totally different concepts, and gentry power is also not the ‘authorized power’ from the
state.
__________
Translated from the Journal of Tianjin Normal University, 2004: 1 相似文献
16.
完善社会保障制度,是社会安定的重要保证,是关注民生、构建和谐社会的首要问题。加快富裕、文明、和谐新青海建设进程,必须切实解决青海省农牧区社会保障制度中存在的问题,制定相应的对策。 相似文献
17.
洪丽芬 《华侨华人历史研究》2008,(1):32-41
根据在马来西亚进行的实地调查所得到的数据和实例,以马来西亚五大方言群体为基础,逐一分析福建、广东、客家、潮州和海南方言群体中,相同家庭里祖子孙三代的母语种类和数量变化。研究证实,马来西亚华人的母语从方言逐渐转向英语和华语,开始摆脱原有籍贯的方言痕迹。 相似文献
18.
Lynn A Blake 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》1999,24(1):79-93
I deploy Michel Foucault's concepts of pastoral power and governmentality to investigate the material consequences of two very different visions of the governance of Native people in nineteenth-century British Columbia. This entails a consideration of these modalities of power, and of the usefulness of relocating them in a colonial context. But I also argue that the conceptions of order embedded within these two modalities of power bear the stamp of, and demonstrate, very distinctive cultural geographies. 相似文献
19.
20.
近代工商同业公会与工会都是劳资分立的产物,二者在组建之后均加强了各自阶级的组织整合,也使劳资关系更具有阶级政治的特点.不过,工商同业公会作为行业性的雇主组织,并非如一般所认为的与工人及其工会处于完全对立的位置,在政府的劳资处理机制、劳资合作之中也占有重要地位. 相似文献