如何提高党政领导干部运用新兴媒体的能力

新兴媒体的发展,在丰富信息传播渠道、拓宽传播广度和深度、提高领导效能的同时,也以其强大的功能深刻改变着舆论传播格局。社会舆论环境的更加复杂化,给党的思想文化宣传工作和党的执政活动带来了新的挑战和影响。认清当前执政的舆论环境、了解新兴媒体的强大功能、把握新兴媒体传播规律、掌握新兴媒体的操作技术,对于各级领导干部来说具有重要意义。     

暗潮汹涌的“大汉贵州军政府”

武昌起义后贵州各界仓促应变,携手组成大汉贵州军政府。新政府中的各实力派因宗旨不同。渊源各异,而各行其是,由此导致军政府的最终解体。本文围绕组成大汉贵州军政府的自治学社、宪政预备会、新军三大力量之间的政治互动,重新审视这一问题,以期进一步梳理大汉贵州军政府的兴衰历程。     

青海民族地区新社会阶层政治参与研究

政治参与是政治学研究的重要命题,也是民主政治建设的重要内容。现阶段,公民政治参与在我国政治发展中居于十分重要的地位。作为我国新社会阶层重要组成部分的民族地区的新社会阶层,他们不仅是民族地区经济社会发展不可缺少的重要社会力量,也是推动民族地区政治发展的重要力量。目前,民族地区新社会阶层的政治参与还没有引起人们的足够重视,他们的政治参与权利还没有充分体现出来,还缺乏健全的法律制度保障。这种状况不仅不利于民族地区新社会阶层的自身发展,而且也不利于民族地区的稳定和健康发展。要重视民族地区新社会阶层合理的政治利益诉求,引导他们有序政治参与,从而把他们的活力和创造力整合、凝聚到社会主义现代化建设事业中来,为地区经济社会又好又快发展,为民族地区社会稳定和民族进步做出积极贡献。     

文化冲突与跨国迁移群体的适应策略——以南非中国新移民群体为例

论文运用田野调查的方法,选择南非的中国新移民作为研究对象,介绍了20世纪90年代以来南非中国新移民群体的概况,阐释了中国新移民在南非遭遇的文化冲突以及他们的适应策略。研究发现,中国新移民在基本价值、家庭观念、消费观念等方面与南非人有明显的冲突,新移民群体对＂南非文化＂持一种＂保持距离＂的态度。具体体现在居住区域、社会交往和通婚等方面。同时,同质性强的中国新移民身处介于同质与异质之间的社会空间,对南非文化仍有明显的隔阂。     

Grassroots Environmental Activism and the Internet: Constructing a Green Public Sphere in China

The past three decades have seen the resurgence of China's civil society through the blossoming of NGOs that campaign for various marginalised interests, including environmental protection. Many studies have examined the co-evolution of the Internet and China's civil society. This paper examines the role of the Internet in strengthening grassroots environmental activism, taking into consideration the corporatised character of Chinese NGOs. Through a detailed ethnographic case study of a leading grassroots environmental group, the Global Village of Beijing (GVB), I argue that Internet technologies effectively empower resource-poor activists in their self-representation, information brokering, network building, public mobilisation and construction of discourse communities. The Net therefore contributes to the nascent formation of a green public sphere in China by fostering a discourse that counterbalances rapid economic development. Also discussed here are issues that hamper this process, including resource limitations, the fragmentation of online discourse communities, and the marginalisation and “caging” of environmental discourse.     

Canadian Foreign Policy in an Era of New Constitutionalism

This article historically assesses Canada’s role in developing new constitutional mechanisms in the global economy. Drawing on the literatures of International Political Economy and analyses of Canadian foreign policy, a reassessment of Canada’s position in the international economic order is proposed. As a consequence of the geostrategic advantages afforded Canada between successive global hegemons, Canada’s path-dependent development has situated the country to benefit and insist on disciplinary mechanisms for all states. Canada’s defense of a rules-based order demands the country adopt an increasingly unfamiliar role as crisis threatens the stability of the global economy. Consequently, Canada has become a primary defender of the new constitutional order of global capitalism, a position that seems opposed to traditional cooperative visions of Canadian foreign policy. Moreover, as the Canadian state becomes an active global proponent of neoliberal economic reforms it undermines the intermediary role of the Canadian state in its own markets, potentially undermining one of the historical purposes of Canadian federalism.     

A new Llanvirnian Isograptus from the D. murchisoni Shales of Abereiddy Bay,Wales

Isograptus ovatus davidensis subsp. nov. is described from the D. murchisoni Shales of Abereiddy Bay, Wales. This discovery gives further support to the correlation of the murchisoni Zone with the upper part of the Darriwil Stage of Victoria.     

Ordovician stromatoporoids from Tasmania

The Hunter Siltstone near Grenfell, New South Wales, contains a rich Upper Devonian fish fauna including the sinolepid Grenfellaspis and the new antiarchs Bothriolepis grenfellensis sp. nov. and Remigolepis redcliffensis sp. nov. Bothriolepis grenfellensis sp. nov. is the first bothriolepid species described from N.S.W., and R. redcliffensis sp. nov. is the first species of Remigolepis described from Australia. Traditionally, the Hunter Siltstone was considered to be uppermost Famennian or earliest Carboniferous in age based on the presence of Grenfellaspis, and the related taxon Sinolepis, which is known from the Wutung and Sanmentan formations of southeastern China. However, available data indicates the Hunter Siltstone may be early Famennian in age. Ongoing work suggests that all Famennian Bothriolepis from N.S.W., including B. grenfellensis, possess a trifid preorbital recess, but differ in other aspects of headshield morphology. In North China, the Famennian Zhongning Formation contains six species of Remigolepis and a species of Sinolepis. However, R. redcliffensis does not show any similarity to these species beyond those of Remigolepis as a whole.     

Two new species of benthic foraminifera from the Holocene of the Papuan Plateau

Two new species of benthic foraminifera have been identified from Holocene sediments of the Papuan Plateau. Spirorutilus collinsi sp. nov. (suborder Textulariina) has a rapidly tapering, agglutinated test with depressed sutures, flattened upper chamber surfaces, and a low, broad-arched aperture. The second species, Cibicorbis aspera sp. nov. (suborder Rotaliina), differs from others of the genus in having rugae on both sides of the test, as well as rugose to serrate dorsal sutures.     

‘They have to abide by our laws … and stuff’: ethnonationalism masquerading as civic nationalism

The long established distinction between civic nationalism and ethnonationalism is useful heuristically to understand different dimensions of nationalism and perhaps track a movement from ethnic forms to civic allegiances, though some have challenged its empirical veracity and others question the normative implications of such a distinction. This paper demonstrates the ways in which the two are elided in everyday discourses about migrants in Australia. We argue suspicion of cultural difference, identified more than three decades ago as the new racism, has given way to talk of the need for migrants to ‘follow the law’. This serves rhetorically to reinforce the notion that migrants, often implied to overlap with the category ‘Muslims’, are insisting on breaking the law and/or changing it and are therefore culturally incompatible with a modern liberal democracy. We argue that since ethnic nationalism, like racism, is out of favour normatively, ethnic nationalist arguments are now superficially concealed beneath the acceptable language of civic nationalism. The manner in which this occurs is mapped discursively using data from a corpus of twenty seven focus groups conducted around Australia.