全文获取类型
收费全文 | 485篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
493篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 8篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 14篇 |
2019年 | 14篇 |
2018年 | 19篇 |
2017年 | 18篇 |
2016年 | 20篇 |
2015年 | 17篇 |
2014年 | 13篇 |
2013年 | 74篇 |
2012年 | 21篇 |
2011年 | 31篇 |
2010年 | 21篇 |
2009年 | 36篇 |
2008年 | 22篇 |
2007年 | 27篇 |
2006年 | 31篇 |
2005年 | 11篇 |
2004年 | 23篇 |
2003年 | 19篇 |
2002年 | 17篇 |
2001年 | 13篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有493条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
Jacinta O'Hagan 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2013,67(5):555-569
Media has always been a critical dimension of politics and of political violence. Information about violence and conflict is disseminated through the media. Media is also a mechanism through which the politics of violence is monitored, represented and interpreted. While the historical relationship between old media and political violence has long been the subject of research and debate, how this relationship is affected by the emergence of digital new media technology warrants further consideration. This development raises several important issues and questions for students of international relations, in particular with respect to how the reconfiguration of the role of media in conflict impacts more broadly on configurations of world politics. This article identifies four critical dimensions of world politics through which to explore this impact: the constitution of power, the configuration of agency, the nature and politics of representation, and the constitution of legitimacy. It argues that the concepts of power, agency, representation and legitimacy provide critical interfaces between media, conflict and world politics. In so doing, the article elucidates the conceptual framework that animates this special issue. Finally, it reflects on how these concepts are engaged in the articles to follow. 相似文献
32.
Jeroen van der Heijden 《Australian journal of political science》2013,48(3):349-365
Voluntary environmental governance arrangements (VEGAs) are designed to minimise negative outcomes through the use of collectively agreed arrangements. They have attracted a large literature, but issues remain unresolved, especially regarding their effectiveness. This article takes up a small part of this challenge of mapping the role of VEGAs in larger systems of environmental governance by examining the development and implementation of a range of VEGAs in the Australian building sector, here defined as the construction and use of buildings.
人们设计了自愿环境治理计划,意在通过集体认同的安排尽量减少消极结果。它吸引了大量文献的关注,但问题依旧是问题,特别在效率方面。本文试图回答其中一小部分问题,通过考察其在澳大利亚建筑部门(这里定义为建筑和建筑物的使用),看看自愿环境治理计划在更大的环境治理中究竟扮演什么样的角色。 相似文献
33.
RENAUD LAPEYRE 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2011,102(3):302-315
This paper applies a new institutional framework to analyse the generation and distribution of tourism income in Namibian communal lands. Utilising two of Williamson's four levels of institutions, it is shown that reallocating and securing property rights (rules of the game), is essential to allow rural communities to benefit from tourism activities on their land. Contingent to those rights and local communities' capacity and social capital, a typology of institutional arrangements (play of the game), is proposed that govern relationships between actors (local communities, the private sector and the State), in the tourism sector. Overall, this framework facilitates understanding of why and how actors craft specific governance structures in order to operate tourism activities, redistribute revenues and minimise transaction costs. 相似文献
34.
清季支那史、东洋史教科书介译初探 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
清季对日本之支那史、东洋史教科书的介译,是清末教育改革的产物,对清末早期新式学堂的历史教育,对国人自编本国史教科书的出现,都产生了深远影响;支那史、东洋史的介译亦是20世纪初年新史学思潮的重要组成部分,对新史学思潮的深入发展起到了推波助澜的作用;介译支那史、东洋史之主旨在于弘扬爱国主义精神,表现出较为浓厚的功利色彩。支那史、东洋史教科书在中国近代教育史、史学史上应有一定的地位。 相似文献
35.
Stijn Oosterlynck 《对极》2010,42(5):1151-1179
Abstract: This article mobilises a strategic‐relational approach to state spatial restructuring to overcome the weaknesses of the conventional “New Regionalist” account in economic geography of the resurgence of the region as a strategic site for economic governance. Focusing on hegemonic projects and the shifting nexus of spatial dependencies and engagements through which these are reproduced, undermined and transformed, the role and geography of political agency in state spatial restructuring is highlighted. To illustrate this point, I analyse the construction of new regional state spaces in Belgium, paying particular attention to the hegemonic projects that create a social basis for particular state spaces, the construction of collective agency on different scales (Belgian‐national and Flemish‐regional) and the various ways in which these processes are informed by pre‐existing state spatial and scalar selectivities. 相似文献
36.
Choon‐Piew Pow 《对极》2009,41(2):371-390
Abstract: If according to Terry Eagleton (The Ideology of the Aesthetic 1990:28), the aesthetic is from the start “a contradictory, double‐edged concept”, how are seemingly innocent acts of viewing and consuming aesthetically pleasing landscapes implicated in the neoliberal politics of urban restructuring? Using contemporary Shanghai as a case study, this paper critically examines the role of the aesthetic in the politics of exclusion and urban segregation in post‐Socialist Shanghai where the restructuring and commodification of erstwhile public welfare housing have led to the rapid development of private “middle‐class” gated enclaves. A central objective of this paper is to excavate the underlying cultural politics of neoliberalism and demonstrate how the aestheticization of urban spaces in Shanghai has become increasingly intertwined with and accentuated by neoliberal ideologies and exclusionary practices in the city. Imbricated in the pristine neighborhoods of Shanghai's gated communities are the fault lines of social division and class distinction that are rapidly transforming urban China. 相似文献
37.
Has feminist geography really lost all relevance? This paper examines what the revitalisation of interest in feminist thought and practice, especially in Australia, means for geography. We illuminate the trajectory of the feminist revitalisation in new media and beyond through developing a spatial analysis influenced by Rose and Fincher. Notions of paradoxical space and issue publics inform this reading of two pivotal moments in the feminist revitalisation: first, the creation of Destroy the Joint, a campaign launched and maintained in Facebook and Twitter spaces; and second, the Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard's speech against sexism and misogyny in Parliament in October 2012. Both these moments, coming from political and public spaces, received worldwide interest, and we critically examine the context and ramifications of these instances while situating the institutional processes surrounding them within the growing feminist revitalisation. In so doing, we argue that these Australian‐based cases indicate a growing feminist movement that is open and multiply focused, connecting personal politics to public campaigning, and achieving material impacts. We conclude that developing a feminist geography of new media is a challenging task, as these spaces circumvent and renegotiate traditional spatial dimensions – including scale and place – through their dynamic networks. It is, nevertheless, a task worth doing. 相似文献
38.
Wesley Attewell 《对极》2012,44(3):621-639
Abstract: The importance of war blogs is increasingly acknowledged, but their political dimensions remain largely unexplored. This paper provides a series of critical readings of Riverbend's Baghdad Burning and addresses two main issues. First, there is a systematic tension between the ways in which Riverbend is “subalternized” (by her readers and herself) and her attempts to reclaim the ground upon which post‐invasion Iraq is represented. Second, the invasion has fundamentally reworked the ways in which the figure of the “Iraqi” is constructed. These epistemological and ontological processes are always complex and partial: they occur at a variety of geographical scales and they are mobilized by a diversity of actors, making it very difficult to pin them down in time and space. Nevertheless, they highlight the difficulties of reducing Riverbend's project of resistance to a simple act of speaking out: of telling the reader what life is “really like” in occupied Baghdad. 相似文献
39.
Shirley Ye 《Frontiers of History in China》2015,10(3):428
The introduction of Western science in order to change physical and operational aspects of Shanghai’s Huangpu River had been debated by Qing and Western officials since almost the beginning of its history as a Treaty Port. At stake in those debates was the perception of the river’s proper use: as a natural barrier for military defense, or as a conduit for global trade. After the Western powers unified to militarily suppress the Boxer Uprising in 1900, they attained their long-awaited goal of the right to transform the river for global trade as part of Article 11 of the Boxer Protocol: the Junpuju (or Huangpu Conservancy Board) was created and authorized by the central government to make the Huangpu River navigable for shipping vessels. Although the Junpuju continued the ethos of earlier extra-bureaucratic organizations established during the Self-Strengthening Movement, after 1901 the organization bore the authority of the central government. During the era of the New Policies, Qing officials were intent on revising the original terms of river conservancy so that they would be more favorable to Chinese sovereignty. At the same time, imperialist rivalries among the Western powers ruptured the apparent unity of the earlier alliance during the suppression of the Boxer Uprising. Before long, Western corruption in the Huangpu River dredging was brought to the attention of Qing officials, who deftly used it to recover Qing control over certain parts of the body of the river. 相似文献
40.
桂黔湘边区侗族文化遗产旅游圈的提出是对区域旅游发展战略思考的结果。桂黔湘边区侗族文化遗产旅游圈是以三省坡为核心,以东西向的交通干线为横轴,以南北向的交通要道为纵轴,以横轴与纵轴的旅游流向关系为基本依托的区域旅游合作系统,并形成一个核心、三个圈层、四条轴线的区域网状格局的基本构架。这一旅游圈的构建和打造,是桂黔湘边区各县实现新农村建设目标,解决\"三农\"问题的重要举措,也是开发侗族文化旅游产品,传承中国优秀侗族文化遗产,提升区域旅游产业竞争力,实现可持续发展的根本措施。 相似文献