民族主义内在的困境——陈独秀国家观从民族主义到自由主义的转变

在近代中国思想史上,陈独秀堪称思想历程最为曲折的人物之一.早年他服膺民族主义,后来转奉自由主义(民主主义),又转而信仰社会主义(共产主义),晚年他的思想走向社会主义、自由主义和民族主义的大综合.本文所考察的,是陈独秀从民族主义到自由主义的转变,以及这次转变所呈现的民族主义的内在困境.     

中日邦交正常化之前的"政经分离"与"政经不可分"之争

上世纪五、六十年代,日本政府在对华关系方面曾推行过“政经分离”政策。其核心是:政治台湾,经济大陆。即只承认台湾当局,不承认中华人民共和国。对此,中国政府提出了“政治三原则”和“政经不可分原则”,与日本方面旨在搞“两个中国”的图谋进行了针锋相对的斗争。在中日复交35年后的今天,“政经之争”早已不再是中日之间争论的焦点。但对如今时而“政冷经热”、时而“政经双冷”的中日关系来说,重温这段“政经之争”的历史,无疑具有特殊的意义。     

Changing the national past: re‐creating the democratic Polish nation after 1989

ABSTRACT. Poland provides a critical example for studying how national identity is transformed to fit new domestic and global circumstances. While Poles must re‐identify themselves as a democratic nation, they have a choice of whether to incorporate aspects of the communist experience or to ignore it and draw solely from other historical sources. A comparison of holiday newspaper articles from before and after 1989 provides an opportunity to observe this process through the lens of national commemoration. This review shows that themes of national identity are influenced by political context and their potential to unify without contestation. In addition, while the communist period remained a salient unifying historical experience for Poles, democratic values did not act as a unifying theme during the first ten years of Polish democracy.     

Constitutional democracy and civic nationalism

ABSTRACT. This article seeks to bring to the fore the intrinsic link between constitutional democracy and the civic nation, relying on Jürgen Habermas's theory of democracy. This theoretical framework will serve as the basis for a communicative understanding of civic nationalism, underscoring the notable role played by language. Attention will be given to the normative dimension that allows for the legitimisation of national divisions of a civic space bound by universal rights. The prime motivation behind this article is thus political‐philosophical, although empirical examples, drawn particularly from the French revolutionary discourse, will be brought to bear. And since a civic nation construed in communicative terms has necessary linguistic implications, cases of multilingual and multinational states will be examined.     

Neither ‘America’ nor ‘Québec’: constructing the Canadian multicultural nation

ABSTRACT. Although researchers have deconstructed the myth of stark social differences between the various North American sub‐societies, an assimilating American melting pot and an ethnically oppressive monocultural Québec are still popular representations within Canadian majority discourses, such as the English‐language mainstream media and parts of academia. In this paper, I argue that images of ‘America’ and ‘Québec’ play important roles for the multicultural reconstruction of Canadian nationhood. Examining selected op‐ed articles from two Toronto‐based mainstream newspapers during the 1990s, I develop and exemplify a theoretical understanding of how national identities are constituted and transformed within inter‐ and intra‐national relations of power and alterity. I pay special attention to the particularisation of Canada through the confrontation with American nationhood, the ambiguities of recognising the distinctiveness of Québec inside Canada, and the consequences of projecting Québec's supposedly ‘ethnic’ nationalism outside the boundaries of Canadianness.     

《九店楚简》释文注释校补

本文借助于最新的红外线照片,对九店楚简中几个字的释读提出了新的认识;同时通过对藏简的重新整理,新发现了为《九店楚简》一书漏收的两枚竹简。     

十一届三中全会前夕对外开放的酝酿和起步

中共十一届三中全会确立了对外开放的基本国策,而1976-1978年对外开放的酝酿和起步是十一届三中全会确立对外开放政策的前提和基础。1977年3月的全国计划会议和1978 年7-9月的国务院务虚会,使全党在对外开放问题上达成了一致,为后来的对外开放的实践创造了坚实的理论基础。     

从历史轨迹看“以史为鉴”的得失

“以史为鉴”是历史学被高度政治化的1体现。结合中国古代史的发展轨迹做考察,就必须承认,“以史为鉴”可以导致两种不同的社会效用。正面效用,用作前车之鉴,直接导致了周、西汉、唐盛世的出现;负面效用,以防弊致弱的方式,影响到东汉、西晋、北宋等朝代的立制不良。对造成这两种不同效用的原因,应该正视和探讨。     

Reframing Bi‐nationalism in Palestine‐Israel as a Process of Settler Decolonisation

This paper examines some of the emerging critical civil society debates in relation to the one‐state solution being the most appropriate geo‐political arrangement for the articulation of freedom, justice and equality in Palestine‐Israel. This is done with reference to the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions’ 2012 statement in support of a bi‐national state and the ensuing critiques it attracted from Palestinian supporters of the one‐state position. Drawing on these debates which have largely revolved around Jewish Israeli rights to political self‐determination in Palestine‐Israel, this paper proposes that alternative versions of self‐determination as cultural rights for the established Hebrew‐speaking national community represent a more inclusive form of self‐determination in the eventuality of decolonisation.