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81.
Elizabeth Strakosch 《Australian journal of political science》2019,54(1):114-130
Contemporary Australian Indigenous policy changes rapidly and regularly fails to deliver its stated aims. Additionally, political and social relationships between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and the Australian state remain complex and contested. This article draws on critical Indigenous theory, alongside the increasingly influential scholarly paradigm of settler colonialism, to draw these two elements together. It highlights the ongoing nature of colonial conflict, and the partisan nature of state institutions and processes. While policy is usually framed as a depoliticised, technical practice of public management for Indigenous wellbeing, I suggest that it also seeks to ‘domesticate’ Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, perform their dysfunction and demonstrate state legitimacy. This is especially the case in Australia, which has a long tradition of framing domestic welfare policy – rather than legal agreements – as the ‘solution’ to settler colonial conflict. 相似文献
82.
Sian Troath 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2019,73(2):126-142
The aim of this article is to use theories of bonded and embedded trust to explain the ‘roller-coaster’ nature of the Australia-Indonesia relationship. An examination of Prime Minister Keating and President Suharto as a case of bonded trust between leaders reveals the value such a relationship has in building trust in bilateral relations. However, it also reveals that such trust cannot survive changes in leadership if it has not become more broadly embedded in both government and society. This is particularly problematic given Australia’s tendency for rapid leadership and ministerial turnover across the past decade. While President Joko Widodo and Prime Minister Turnbull were able to develop a warm relationship which helped to reset the relationship and enabled them to navigate diplomatic incidents, Malcolm Turnbull’s recent political demise only serves to further highlight the necessity of building trust between societies. Without trust, cooperation between the two states will be limited. Building trust between societies will be required if Australia wants to develop a trusting relationship with Indonesia capable of undertaking deeper forms of cooperation on more sensitive issues – something which will be fundamental to Australia’s ability to navigate growing strategic uncertainty in the region. 相似文献
83.
Having been adopted by legislatures in over a dozen states, postsecondary merit aid programs are largely concentrated in the southeastern United States. The observed clustering pattern seems to support previous evidence that policies spread between proximate states, a phenomenon referred to by political scientists as policy diffusion. Often, however, policy diffusion is not complete, and one or more states in a region fail to adopt. By interviewing policymakers throughout the southeastern United States—including actors in the three states in the region without merit aid—the study addresses the following question: Why do diffusion pressures lead to adoption in some states but not in others? Studying state “hold‐outs” promises not only to uncover the reasons for failed legislation in specific state contexts but also to better our understanding of the limits of diffusion theory. 相似文献
84.
陕北长城外地区位于蒙陕农牧交错带,属于典型的脆弱生境地带。清代中央和地方两级政府针对当地汉民承租蒙民土地从事农牧业生产这一环节,在不同时期制定了不同的垦殖政策,经历了封禁、招垦、禁垦、拓垦四个阶段,这既是清政府对陕北长城外地区逐步认识和开发的过程,同时也是该地区生态环境变化的过程。在政策—人—环境相互作用的关系过程中,制度、政策与权力的结合对区域环境变化的影响具有根本性的驱动作用。 相似文献
85.
荒井茂夫 《华侨华人历史研究》2007,(2):23-35
为了客观反映马来西亚华人在语言和认同等领域的现状,采用问卷调查的方法,通过基本数据材料的分析,探讨了当今马来西亚吉隆坡、古晋、吧巴和诗巫等地的华人认同情况.在语言方面,华人子弟在小学阶段大致打好华语基础,同时保持华人认同.在日常生活中,华语和华人方言的使用占优势,但在商业和职业范围,马来语和英语的使用率有所增加.经济生活方面,华人发扬了传统的奋斗精神,贡献于国民经济的发展.政治认同方面,华人对马来西亚的认同,远远高于对中国等其它对象的认同.结果显示:华人既保持华人性而又能动地适应国民规范;华人以民族语言维持传统文化的族群社会功能,扮演着国家社会发展的重要角色,在这一过程中,华人形成了本身的"华人文化圈"并进一步孕育着华人文化的发展与创新. 相似文献
86.
范宏伟 《华侨华人历史研究》2007,1(3):39-46
1997年东南亚金融危机后,缅甸政府为阻止经济恶化,采取了推进农业改革、加速国有企业私营化步伐、拓宽融资渠道和加强边贸发展等措施,为缅甸华商的发展创造了一定的机会,华人经济得到进一步发展。而缅甸动荡的政治局势、缅甸经济改革中存在的弊端和问题及中国新移民在缅甸的涌现,是缅甸华商未来发展必须应对的问题。 相似文献
87.
孙懿 《中国边疆史地研究》2007,17(4):58-67
本文主要依据档案资料对北洋政府的蒙古教育政策进行了概要探讨。认为虽然蒙古地区的情况比较复杂,但北洋政府还是出台了一些与蒙古教育有关的政策。这些政策尽管缺乏系统性,但继承了清末教育变革的精神,继续推动了传统教育和现代教育的接轨。这一时期蒙古教育的发展受到了社会动荡的严重影响,但热河、绥远、察哈尔三个有蒙古族分布的地区,其教育还是在困境之中维持或有一定程度的发展,这种发展更多的是来自于上述地区内部的发展要求。 相似文献
88.
89.
建国初期,为了迅速恢复和发展农业生产,在中央政府的领导下,我国农村开展了全面的农具改良工作.政府通过建立农具管理和服务机构,兴办工厂,开展宣传教育、发动群众,大量增补旧农具,积极推广使用新式农具.农具改良在一定程度上提高了农业生产技术,改进了生产效率,增加了农业产量,同时奠定了农机产业的基础,为后期的农业机械化进程做了铺垫.由于对农村的具体情况和农具的实际需求了解不充分,农具设计和制造水平低,新式农具质量较低,价格偏高,技术传授和维修服务差,经营管理相对落后,新式农具推广使用未能达到预期的目标,发挥应有的作用.农具工作政策和措施的失误,不仅造成了人力和物力资源的浪费,也损害了政府在群众中的形象. 相似文献
90.
JOANNA KAFTAN 《Nations & Nationalism》2007,13(2):301-320
ABSTRACT. Poland provides a critical example for studying how national identity is transformed to fit new domestic and global circumstances. While Poles must re‐identify themselves as a democratic nation, they have a choice of whether to incorporate aspects of the communist experience or to ignore it and draw solely from other historical sources. A comparison of holiday newspaper articles from before and after 1989 provides an opportunity to observe this process through the lens of national commemoration. This review shows that themes of national identity are influenced by political context and their potential to unify without contestation. In addition, while the communist period remained a salient unifying historical experience for Poles, democratic values did not act as a unifying theme during the first ten years of Polish democracy. 相似文献