陈独秀国家统一思想述论

陈独秀的国家统一观经历了前后截然不同的两大阶段.第一阶段,他主张国民党、进步党、北洋官僚三大势力平分政权,实行联邦制以结束国家的分裂状态.这一时期陈独秀对国家统一问题的认识是模糊的、肤浅的乃至于错误的.第二阶段,陈独秀的国家统一观发生了质的变化,提出了通过人民革命方式,打倒帝国主义与军阀,最终建立中华联邦共和国等系列观点,从而构成了关于国家统一的完整的思想体系.陈独秀的国家统一观虽存在若干失误,但与同时代人比较,仍不失为最激进、最彻底、最可行的国家统一观.     

论《诗经·桧风》的创作时代

由于桧国微小,《诗经·桧风》在春秋时代就不受人重视,后人对《桧风》四首诗的主题解释也往往含糊其辞、牵强附会。本文运用组诗研究的方法,把这四首诗联系在一起分析,认为《桧风》创作于东周初年郑武公灭桧之后,它是一组桧遗民抒发亡国之痛的诗篇。     

中国国民党早期军队政工制度的演变:1924-1928

在孙中山的“党治”理念及苏联“党军”体制影响下,中国国民党于1924年改组后积极倡行“党在国上”、“党在军上”的政治制度,在黄埔军校教导团时代,即仿效苏联红军实施以党代表为中心、以政治部为具体实践单位、辅以自上而下建立党部的三位一体的政工制度。1925年7月改编为国民革命军后,这一体制在黄埔军校生为主体的军队内基本保留。因国共间的猜忌,国民革命军政工制度随着“清党”运动而产生重大变异,党代表制废除,政治训练部地位下降,军队党部更是形同虚设。试图控制军队的国民党,却被以蒋介石为首的军人反控,形成了事实上的“以军干政”、“军强党弱”现象,成为此后影响民国政治走向的一大因素。     

日本发展入境旅游的政策措施与成效

自20世纪90年代开始,日本政府为推进入境旅游发展所采取的政策措施主要有：制定完备的旅游相关法律,成立专门行政管理机构制定并实施观光立国战略,规划建设广域国际旅游特区,加强国际旅游合作,积极申报世界遗产,发展生态旅游与产业观光游等。这些政策措施已经取得较为显著的成效,其中一些成功经验对我国发展入境旅游具有借鉴作用。     

Where is Chinese nationalism? The political geography of a moving project

ABSTRACT. Since the rise of Chinese nationalism at the end of the nineteenth century, different political groups have sought to mobilise regional support by identifying with the national agenda of regional preferences. There have been changing contestations appealing to north, south, center, west and east. By analysing these moving identities, one can escape a misleading homogenisation of actual multi‐strandedness and better understand the nature and potential consequences of ongoing political struggles using conflicting nationalisms on behalf of diverse political agendas, some more war‐prone than others.     

Revolution,uprising, civil war: the conceptual dilemmas of 1956

There were from the very beginning two ways of conceptualising the events of 1956 in Hungary, labelling it as a revolution or a national uprising. There also emerged a third way of conceptual definition when what occurred in 1956 was named an anti-totalitarian movement. From the theoretical perspective of Begriffsgeschichte the Hungarian events of 1956 cannot simply be assumed under the notion of ‘revolution’, the term first applied to what took place in France in 1789, since it was not the kind of a forceful collective effort leading to an unknown future. The notion of ‘revolutio’ works better to describe the analytical meaning of the Hungarian anti-Soviet and anti-Communist disturbance. The reason has been that the main thrust of the Hungarian situation in 1956 was similar to the seventeenth-century English and the eighteenth-century American ‘revolutions’, to return definitively to a point of departure by regaining some of the formerly lost social and political liberties.     

按照“三个代表”，要求开展国史研究

国史研究是党领导的社会科学事业 ,应当坚持以马克思主义唯物史观为指导。“三个代表”重要思想本身 ,就是根据历史唯物主义的基本原理 ,结合党的历史和党所面临的新形势、新任务而提出的 ,是历史唯物主义在新的历史条件下的运用和发展。要按照“三个代表”的要求解决好国史研究的重点问题 ,坚定地站在中国人民的根本利益的立场上来研究国史、撰写国史 ,真实地反映中国人民建设有中国特色社会主义的伟大实践。要按照“三个代表”的要求解决好国史研究中是非判断的标准问题 ,国史的主流是成就是经验 ,国史研究的重点也只能是建国以后的成就和经验。国史研究要更好地发挥资政育人的作用 ,这是国史研究的正确方向 ,也是国史学科建设的关键所在。     

A Usable Past: History and the Politics of National Identity in Late Victorian England

For the past two decades, issues of English national identity have provided a fertile field for historical investigation. In the late Victorian era, the development of professional standards of scholarship within the academy gave a new dimension to historical debates. The bitter quarrels about appropriate research techniques from the 1860s to the 1890s, among James Anthony Froude, Edward Freeman and John Horace Round, acted as a proxy for the vision of national identity that each historian espoused. After 1870, the development of a national narrative focused on constitutional history as its primary vehicle. The battle over historical reconstruction represented a surrogate for divergent views about political values and national identity. What sometimes seemed frivolous scholarly skirmishes, therefore, had a much greater political importance. As a result, the long feud had greater importance than the eccentric personalities of the participants appeared to indicate. For Froude, the Tudor age of discovery and religious reformation represented the best of English character. For Freeman, a strong Gladstonian Liberal, consensus and continuity over many centuries defined English history best. John Horace Round, a Conservative stalwart, thought that Freeman had slanted his historical conclusions to validate his Liberal politics and reinterpreted the Norman conquest to express his own political beliefs. Thus the quibbles about shield walls and other issues provided a terrain for the real cause of antagonism: different views of national identity that history furnished. Each historian constructed a usable past in order to justify contemporary discussions of national identity.     

Celebrating British multiculturalism,lamenting England/Britain's past

Drawing upon Littler and Naidoo's ‘white past, multicultural present’ alignment, this article examines English newspaper coverage of two ‘British’ events held in 2012 (the Diamond Jubilee and the London Olympic Games). In light of recent work on English nationalism, national identity and multiculturalism, this article argues that representations of Britain oscillated between lamentations for an English/British past – marred by decline – and a present that, while being portrayed as both confident and progressive, was beset by latent anxieties. In doing so, ‘past’ reflections of England/Britain were presented as a ‘safe’ and legitimate source of belonging that had subsequently been lost and undermined amidst the diversity of the ‘present’. As a result, feelings of discontent, anxiety and nostalgia were dialectically constructed alongside ‘traditional’ understandings of England/Britain. Indeed, this draws attention to the ways in which particular ‘versions’ of the past are engaged with and the impact that this can have on discussions related to multiculturalism and the multiethnic history of England/Britain.     

The rediscovery of ‘the national’ in the 1990s – contexts,new cultural forms and practices in reunified Germany

This article examines how and in which societal and political contexts nationhood is expressed and symbolised in reunified Germany. This ‘rediscovery’ of nationhood since the 1990s mixes new and old motifs of the cultural repertoire of ‘the national’ for different purposes. Three main contexts triggered a rediscovery of ‘the national’ after 1989: reunification, immigration and the retrenchment of the social state. I argue, by analysing ethnographic material and political discourses, that these contexts, on the one hand, rearticulate old forms of ethnic and cultural nationalism and, on the other hand, create new images and symbols of an open civic society and immigration country. There are ‘playful’ forms, such as campaigns of nation branding, that symbolically include the ‘productive’ and ‘useful’ immigrant into the national project. Moreover, such campaigns serve to legitimatise the downsizing of the national state that – according to a neoliberal attitude – relies on a new community spirit of entrepreneurial, ‘activated’ citizens who ‘help themselves’. Thus, focusing on these pluralised renationalisation processes makes evident how polyvalent ‘the national’ still is. It can be employed by those who attempt to ‘reunite’ the East and West Germans, by businesses to sell their goods and ideas and by almost any political orientation, be it right‐wing or left‐wing.