九一八事变后的《国民外交杂志》

1931年九一八事变后,国难日亟,抗日救亡成为时代的中心议题。1932年3月,以南京国民政府一些立法委员、监察委员牵头发起成立了"国民外交协会",9月份创刊《国民外交杂志》,以宣传他们的抗日救国主张。这是一批有一定社会地位和政治地位,跻身于统治阶层而又不是决策者的人物。他们的言论,反映了在大敌当前的形势下这一社会群体的态度和立场。他们对抗日救亡的积极呼吁、对当局不抵抗政策的严厉批评,对统治者阶层、对当权者的影响和触动,可能更直接,更起作用,也反映出对日抵抗确已成为当时举国一致的要求,成为中华民族绝大多数人共同的呼声。     

Space,Gender and Institutions in Processes Creating Difference

Along with a number of scholars in feminist, English-language geography, the author makes a case for renewed attention to be paid to causal processes of differentiation in the analysis of geographies of gender. In particular, she argues for a greater concern with the gendered spatiality of organisations and institutions themselves, rather than seeing them as ‘black boxes’, or unchanging and exogenous aspects of the contexts to be analysed. The paper discusses the manner and the extent to which feminist geographies have examined differentiating processes associated with three notional ‘sites’ examined closely in feminist geography: the city, the family and the nation.     

Nationalism and revolution: friends or foes?

Nationalism and revolution have generally been held to go together. Many nation‐states have had their origins in revolution, from the Americans in the 18th century to a host of Third World nation‐states in the 20th century. Generally, both modern revolutions and modern nationalism have the same origins, in 18th century Enlightenment thought. But this paper argues that, despite this common origin, the principles of revolution and nationalism are divergent, and can set one against the other. Revolutions emphasise freedom and equality; nationalism emphasises integration and unification. These principles can clash, though not inevitably and not always. The paper examines the 1789 French Revolution, the 1848 revolutions and the 1917 Russian revolution. It shows that in the first two cases, revolutionary aspirations came up against and were eventually displaced by nationalist aims. In the case of 1917, revolution paradoxically, and unintentionally, institutionalised nationalism. These examples show that, though linked at some high level of modern thought, revolution and nationalism express different and at times divergent strands of modernity.     

Australia's national climate: learning to adapt?

Pride in Australia's extreme climate has long been a part of Australia's national identity. Today, climate continues to be enrolled in a range of nationalistic projects, including the (re)development of climate science and other responses to climate change. In this paper, we outline some of the contours of the ‘Australian national climate’, claims to know it, and four idealised responses to it: bounce back, dismissal, endurance, and migration. We argue that the deeply cultural framing of climate in Australia—in particular, Australians' emphasis on the climate's inherent variability and unknowability, and their own historical adaptability—is being exploited by the federal government and hampering climate change mitigation nationally.     

Men who ‘Marry Out’: unsettling masculinity,kinship, and nation through migration across the Taiwan Strait

Family reunification has become a widely recognized means to move across borders in the contemporary world. As a migration strategy, family reunification redefines the relationship of kinship to nation, diversifying the ‘national family’ and its gendered role expectations. This article uses cross-border marriages between Chinese and Taiwanese to interrogate how immigration affects the experiences of men who migrate through or in conjunction with marriage, integrating scales of family, citizenship, and nation in an analysis of migrant masculinity. Migrant husbands describe their disempowerment as male providers and citizens through the patrilineal and patrilocal kinship language of having ‘married out.’ The article examines the salience of this kinship model for immigrant husbands seeking to redefine their relationship to patrilineal gender privileges and secure citizenship status. How do men who migrate through marriage negotiate gendered kinship principles that may work to their benefit in their home country but undermine their status once they migrate? How does the experience of migrating as a kin-dependent threaten men’s self-image as family providers? By investigating these challenges to hegemonic masculinity, the article asks how migration reconfigures the gendered foundations of family formation by undermining kinship-based models of normative masculinity and creating a gender crisis for some migrant husbands.     

The Right to the World

The global number of refugees, asylum seekers, and those displaced within their countries are at record levels in the post‐World War II era. Meanwhile, efforts by relatively wealthy and powerful nation‐states to exclude unwanted migrants through enhanced territorial control have reached unprecedented heights, producing great harm–most notably premature death–for many. The factors driving out‐migration from homelands made unviable, coupled with multiple forms of violence experienced by migrants, demonstrate the need for an expansion of rights–conceived of as both entitlements and sites of struggle. So, herein, I assert the need for “the right to the world”–specifically a right to mobility and a just share of the Earth's resources–to help realize the promise of a dignified life for all. In making the case for such, the article offers a critical analysis of the contemporary human rights regime and of the “right to the city”.     

明治时期日本人的自我认识

日本人真正的自我认识始于 19世纪中期 ,它成为日本在现代社会中自我认识的起点。明治时期基本形成了日本人自我认识的若干流派 ,它历经各个历史时期 ,总是以不同的形式顽强地表现出来 ,影响一直延续至今。明治时期日本人自我认识的突出特点是深受“国运”的影响 ,以至出现明显的偏差。明治初期日本落后于欧美时 ,其民族自卑感十分强烈 ;一旦成为强国 ,则转向另一个极端 ,民族主义极度膨胀 ,最终走上了军国主义的道路。     

大同南郊北魏墓群人骨的稳定同位素分析

探索中原地区农耕文明对游牧民族的影响,对于揭示游牧民族的汉化过程、了解民族间的相互交流和融合具有非常重要的意义。本文对山西大同南郊北魏(拓跋鲜卑)墓群出土的人骨进行了C、N稳定同位素分析,旨在揭示其食物结构的基础上探讨农耕文化对其生活方式的影响。一至四期出土人骨的δ13C值为-9.12±0.85‰,表明其主要以C4类食物为主,而其δ15N值(9.56±0.76‰)甚高,显示先民曾摄取大量肉食,即拓跋鲜卑进入中原地区之后,似乎仍以畜牧业为主,而受中原地区农耕文明的影响甚小。至于δ13C和15N异常的四个样品,可能来自其他地区。结合考古资料和相关文献,不难发现,与慕容鲜卑相比,拓跋鲜卑的汉化之路更为艰难。     

联合国在国际反恐斗争中的定位分析

"9.11"事件后,反恐成为整个国际社会的共识。本文认为,在科技发展日新月异,经济全球化进程不断加快,安全威胁日益多元化的21世纪,联合国在国际反恐中应该发挥主导性作用,带领国际社会通过共同努力与多边合作实现真正的安全。     

Two bullocks,a ladder and a lamp: electoral symbols in Nehruvian India

There is a substantial body of literature on nation‐building that, from a variety of theoretical approaches, examines the role of symbolic constructs in the process of construction and consolidation of new nation‐states. Among these works, the dramatic and symbolic aspects of election and their function in the nation‐building project have been investigated by political scientists and anthropologists alike. However, analysis of electoral emblems as constitutive elements in the nation‐building process has been largely missing from most studies of nation‐building and official nationalism. A case study of postindependence India suggests how national belonging was also made to hinge upon on competent democratic participation of the masses in the political life of the country. Central to this process of identity work was the establishment of an independent Election Commission and of strict rules for the design, selection and allotment of election emblems. Conventional accounts have argued that these procedures were introduced primarily for the benefit of the uneducated masses who were suddenly invited to participate in India's democratic process. I argue against this simplistic interpretation. Far from being only tools for the simplification of electoral processes, India's election symbols were one of India's institutional mechanisms designed to nurture the development of a correct democratic conduct and therefore ultimately contributing to the Nehruvian national project.