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81.
82.
采用空间统计和空间计量经济学原理和方法对2005-2010年间中国191个城市信息服务业发展的影响因素进行了实证研究。结果表明:城市信息化水平和人力资本对信息服务业的发展具有显著的正向作用;对外开放水平对信息服务业的发展影响不明显;城市间的产业关联对信息服务业发展没有通过显著性水平检验,这表明城市间物质层面的相互交换并没有对信息服务业的发展产生应有的正效应,而相反城市间的信息流动和知识溢出对信息服务业的发展具有显著的促进作用。 相似文献
83.
如何根据自身经济活动所具有的空间组织特征和演化轨迹来选择升级路径,是城市政府需要解决的重要问题。本文以粤东城镇群区域中心城市汕头为例,选择具有传统优势的纺织服装产业,整合经济地理关系范式和演化范式的方法构建分析框架,运用访谈获得的企业关系数据和相关资料,分别对汕头纺织服装行业生产组织的历史路径以及当前在区域生产网络中的地位进行分析,提出汕头纺织服装行业未来进行升级的路径选择。本文在城市产业发展规划如何借鉴西方经济地理新理论范式方面进行了尝试性探索。 相似文献
84.
Mitch Chapura 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》2009,34(4):462-474
Scale remains a pivotal yet highly contentious concept in geography. I survey the lively discussions engaged in recently by many critical/radical geographers regarding the theoretical status of scale. While these discussions have been intellectually fruitful, I argue that much more needs to be said. Drawing from complex systems theory, I argue that scale should be understood as an ontological category essential to understanding causality. Revalorising Aristotle's four categories of cause – formal, final, material and efficient – from two centuries of positivist thinking facilitates this endeavour. Research on the relationship between university-based poultry scientists and the poultry industry illustrates the explanatory potential of poly-scalar analysis. 相似文献
85.
当中国开始抗击日本侵略之际,加拿大推行绥靖政策,同时采取一定的战备措施。直到抗战初期,中加两国关系处于低层次水平上。加拿大参战之后,随着中加公使级外交关系的建立,两国的军事合作关系亦得到确立。加方对国民党军队的评价不高,但坚持军事合作,向中国提供对日作战的情报和作战物资援助。中加军事关系与政治关系密切相关,其发展相互对应;军事合作关系的建立和发展,有助于世界反法西斯战争的进行;合作的主要形式和内容是加拿大向中国提供军援;欧德澜的个人作用相当突出;但中加军事合作的影响较为有限。 相似文献
86.
87.
凌永忠 《中国边疆史地研究》2012,(1):64-72,148,149
抗日战争时期,中国国防用铜量急剧增加,但国土大部沦陷,云南成为抗战军需用铜唯一的供给地。国民政府经济部所属资源委员会与云南省政府共同组建"滇北矿务局","彻底管理"云南铜业,有效整合云南铜矿资源,把云南铜业完全纳入国家军事战略资源的范畴。国民政府在云南采取积极措施,使云南军需铜材产量大幅提升,保证了抗战的铜材需求,有力支持了中国人民的抗日战争。云南铜业的生产规模和技术也在抗战期间得到极大提升,加快了云南矿业现代化发展步伐。 相似文献
88.
Carolyn Gallaher 《对极》2012,44(3):783-805
Abstract: To date geography has paid scant attention to private military contracting. Other disciplines have studied the topic, but their work is state‐centric. In this paper I examine private military contracting through a geoeconomic lens and make four arguments. First, the heightened security risks of the contemporary era cannot be explained solely as a result of states’ decision to cede their monopolies over the means of violence. We must also examine the private military firms that have created new monopolies and the strategies they use to manage and distribute risk. Second, the industry has increased risk in the world system by offloading security risks onto their employees. This “responsibility over rights” management model provides inadequate human rights training and battlefield adjudication procedures for contractors and civilians alike. Third, the geography of private military work does not always conform to the global division of labor between north and south. Instead, private military work creates a class of work that cuts across social and geographic divides. Finally, while activists should encourage states to regulate the industry, they should also push it to reform employment practices since private military firms are increasingly global in scope. 相似文献
89.
Western firms engaged in mass retailing and in product assembly make frequent changes to their global production networks (GPNs). Indeed, some GPNs show a tendency to hypermobility, which we define as a rapid switching of economic links among manufacturers, importers, and retailers. This theme is explored in the context of the Canadian bicycle industry where domestic production collapsed between 1980 and 2008, following a century of remarkable stability. After a period of flux when Taiwan was the key player, China has emerged as the dominant original equipment manufacturer (OEM) of bicycles sold in Canada, with big‐box stores accounting for the great majority of sales. We connect this increasing fluidity in supply arrangements and in the global organization of the industry with the governance of these GPNs. Several aspects of governance are considered, including the Sloanist practices of the largest Canadian retailers, and the activist role of the Chinese state in directing regional patterns of manufacturing in China. 相似文献
90.
Mikael Nilsson 《European Review of History》2012,19(2):275-302
This article takes a close look at how the United States used the funding of scientific research in Sweden as a hegemonic and propaganda tool in the 1950s and 1960s. It shows that non-aligned Sweden functioned just as much as a node in the international science network set up by the Americans after the Second World War as did the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries. These funds were awarded mainly to an elite network of prominent Swedish scientists. The article sheds interesting light on the controversies of such funding in Sweden during the cold war and adds important knowledge about Swedish–American relations during the cold war. The article argues that this Swedish scientific elite co-produced US hegemony in Sweden by actively seeking out American military funding and by making use of it. It also argues that US funding was intended to portray the United States as an altruistic patron of science in the world and thus serve American propagandistic purposes as well. 相似文献