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151.
China’s declared foreign policy of ‘non-interference’ is contradicted by its actions in recent times. Beyond activities in the East and South China Seas, the involvement of China in negotiations on the Korean Peninsula, the evacuation of Chinese citizens from various crises, and the deployment of Chinese combat troops to peacekeeping missions in Africa have indicated China’s growing interests in the shape of world affairs, coinciding with a growing economic and military capacity to influence them. Much attention has been given to the potential consequences of great-power competition between the USA and China, but little focus has been given to the impact these trends may have in the outlying regions of Chinese foreign policy. One such place is Melanesia in the South Pacific—a subregion where a small influence from a Chinese perspective can have a significant impact on Pacific Island Countries. This article postulates that, over time, there is potential for the consequences of Chinese interests to lead to accidental friction, and suggests that this risk can be mitigated through increased cooperation.  相似文献   
152.
元代陕西行省设立早,起初临时处理军政,且与四川时合时分,至元二十三年(1286年)后自为一省。陕西行省与行御史台、宗王等分治最为典型。因西台负责四省监察,蒙古军都万户府迁治凤翔及安西王等出镇,陕西行省长期充任西部军政大本营。然军事权偏弱,还有所谓"未尝提调军马"的"旧例"。这是前期四川设行枢密院,蒙古军都万户府与其不相统摄,平章多不兼都万户,直接支配军队有限等所造成。任职或镇守陕西的,往往是廉希宪、赛典赤、阿思罕、乃蛮台等重臣及安西王、湘宁王等显赫宗王。该省"舞台"或可窥见元朝廷各种政治势力的角逐乃至厮杀。  相似文献   
153.
本文以南京都市圈"东山—茅山"样带作为研究区域,基于乡村产业POI数据,利用圈层分析、核密度分析等方法,对乡村产业及其多样性分异格局进行研究.结果表明,当前农旅、文创等新产业新业态开始在乡村布局,在近郊区和乡镇中心周边组团集聚、沿交通放射布局特征明显,总体上呈现"距离衰减"趋势,且不同产业分布存在明显差异.分类研究发现...  相似文献   
154.
基于生态足迹的产业适度人口分析——以南京市为例   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文以生态足迹理论为基础,从维护生态系统稳定,自然资源可持续利用的角度来分析产业的适度人口规模。在分析生态足迹模型基本概念和计算方法的基础上,构建了产业生态足迹和产业生态承载力模型。通过估算第一、二、三产业的生态足迹,分析了2008年南京市三大产业的适度人口。结果表明第一、二产业在经济活动中过度消耗环境资源,现实人口对生态环境资源产生较大的压力。而第三产业的人口盈余为97.81万人,具有较强的可持续发展潜力。结合南京2008年第一、二产业出现人口赤字,第三产业存在人口盈余的具体情况,就减少产业人口赤字提出了技术和政策上的对策。  相似文献   
155.
This article uses a new data-set to calculate the ‘political economy’ or nature and purpose of taxation and spending in Jamaica between 1768 and 1839. It argues that these levels increased considerably, both in absolute terms and relative to the size of the population and economy of the island, and that the assembly raised taxes mainly to protect the white elite and the plantation economy against slave revolts and foreign invasion. Although the balance of spending shifted after Emancipation in 1834, the purpose did not, since military spending was simply redirected to subsidise policing and the cost of public order. Depending on how the national income or gross domestic product of the island is calculated, levels of taxation rose from 2 per cent in peacetime to about 4–6 per cent in wartime, peaking at 6–8 per cent in moments of crisis. White elites therefore made a significant contribution to the cost of their own defence, and to the wider projection of imperial power, and were willing to tolerate increasingly high levels of taxation because it was spent in ways that suited their interests. They thereby formed the colonial sinews of imperial power.  相似文献   
156.
After the Russian Revolution, with civil war and interventions, war communism (1918–1921) led to a period of great economic difficulties in Russia. The New Economic Policy was the solution, and concessions offered to Western business interests were a part of it. In the timber industry of the 1920s, the jointly Western and Soviet controlled company Russnorvegoles was an important concession. The majority of the Western interests were Norwegian, and the company was registered as a Norwegian limited liability company with seat in Oslo. The four-and-a-half-year history, involving Western interests in the operations of Russnorvegoles, is both interesting and dramatic. Profitability was undermined, and intricate currency arrangements played a significant role during the last eighteen months in which Western interests were involved. The prominent Norwegian fascist politicians Quisling and Prytz were both involved, and the latter emerged a wealthy man. Living on his means for some years following 1928, he contributed financially to the formation in 1933 of a Norwegian Nazi party (Nasjonal Samling/National Reunion). This dimension of Norwegian political history demonstrates the role that Russnorvegoles played beyond the timber industry.  相似文献   
157.
Many US public schools, struggling with perceived issues of safety and security, have installed a host of different biometric devices – vein scanners, automated fingerprint identification systems, iris scanners, GPS-enabled identification badges, and facial recognition software. Schools turn to these devices in hopes of securing school space by sorting and tracking students, visitors, and school staff based on their pre-determined risk profiles. As such, this article proposes that tracing these new forms of school security provides insight into how the politics and practices of biometric technologies are fundamentally geographical in nature. That is, biometric devices not only verify identity according to risk assessments, they also work to manage mobility by regulating where school bodies can go, when, and for what purposes. Moreover, this article analyzes how these risk profiling tactics, widely adopted by schools across the United States, necessarily borrow from the strategies used in sites of colonial occupation. Looking at schools in this way can help us plot how biometric bordering and resultant security decisions unfold at other sites of mobility beyond state (smart) borders, highways, toll booths, and ports of entry in order to formulate new “spaces of enclosure” (Amoore, Marmura, & Salter, 2008) and “dividing practices” (Nevins, 2002), thus bringing students into “closer proximity” to military relations of force through these “war-like architectures” (Amoore, 2009).  相似文献   
158.
本文以泰安市主城区为研究案例地,选取该区域内的旅行社和星级酒店为研究对象,利用分形的网格维数和空间句法方法,对传统旅游服务业的布局分异进行研究。结果表明:旅行社对城市整体及局部交通环境要求都较高,多集中分布于车站-景点及景点-景点的连线上;星级酒店分布则相对分散,在不同级别的整体交通集成度空间上分布差异不大(除交通极为不便的整体集成度最低区域外),而对局部交通环境要求较高,多分布于局部交通集成核心。在此基础上,本文探讨了这两种旅游服务业在泰安市主城区的布局分异的成因。  相似文献   
159.
淮西节度使在安史之乱初期设立时,与其他内地藩镇并没有大的区别,其设置的最主要目的,是为了平定中原地区的战乱,而且也确实发挥了一定的作用。之后,它经历了复杂的变迁,区域不断缩小,直至剩下三州之地。但是它与中央对抗的趋势却更加明显,其主要原因在于藩镇制度下它与中央对地方利益的争夺,区域内部的胡化只是一个浅层的诱因。这一地区的经济、社会基础及区位条件也为它提供了支持。唐王朝以藩镇体制之外的手段,使用武力将它平定,迎来了自己短暂的"中兴",却无法避免之后的更加衰落乃至灭亡。  相似文献   
160.
<正>2006年12月,根据吕遵谔提供的线索,北京师范大学历史学院与洛阳市文物钻探办公室的考古人员,在洛阳市进行了为期一个多月的旧石  相似文献   
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