“理想的家就是普通的家”——上海流动儿童地方感的实证分析

流动儿童正在成为一个重要的研究主题和现实话题,但对其地方感学界缺乏关注。本文以上海市主要服务流动儿童的X社区儿童服务中心为例,综合运用感知地图、深度访谈和参与式观察等质性研究方法,探究流动儿童地方感的特征与形成机制。流动儿童地方感存在社区与上海、市区与郊区和对地方的态度三个维度的差异;流动儿童对家的认知包括认同、迷失和流动三种,流动儿童地方感是基于亲人、朋友和其他社会网络所建立的,涉及多地方的,不断发展变化的积极地方感;流动儿童地方感的形成受到社会环境和自然环境的共同影响,受政府权力影响的X中心、家庭和学校,以及智能设备和自然环境是五个直接影响流动儿童地方感的因素,流动儿童的主观能动性也会重塑其地方感。从地理视角研究流动儿童具有重要的理论价值和现实意义。     

SALINIZATION IN UZBEKISTAN

As the amount of agricultural lands has increased over the years in Uzbekistan, problems associated with the impacts of irrigation water use have occurred. The most serious and widespread of the effects may be the secondary salinization of soils. Serious salinization problems along the lower courses of the Syr Dar'ya and Amu Dar'ya basins are a contrast to milder problems along their upper courses. This paper illustrates the extent of the soil salinization problem in Uzbekistan, identifies key problem areas, and demonstrates the need for an adequate response.     

The May 2004 Enlargement of the European Union: View from Two Years Out

A prominent American geographer and observer of political currents shaping modern Europe provides an introduction and background for three following papers on the nature and impacts of European Union's 2004 enlargement in different macroregions along the EU's eastern frontier. He outlines three major dimensions (economic, social-political, and institutional) that may be used to evaluate claims supporting and opposing enlargement, surveying the evidence to date for each. Concluding sections highlight the importance of scale in assessing the impacts of enlargement, the persistence of state nationalism as a curb to EU "deepening," and changes in the nature of the EU itself over time. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: F02, F20, F40, O19. 2 figures, 20 references.     

Solidarity™: Student Activism,Affective Labor,and the Fair Trade Campaign in the United States

Abstract: Ethical labeling campaigns have become a central means for diffusing and negotiating conflicts between social movements and market actors. Fair Trade was a pioneering ethical label and, by many accounts, a success. For nearly a decade, United Students for Fair Trade (USFT) activists worked to build the reputation of the Fair Trade Certified (FTC) label, but in Fall 2011 they withdrew their support and urged ethical consumers to do the same. This paper is an urgent reflection on USFT's trajectory from guerrilla marketing to boycotting FTC products. While their actions may appear shortsighted and contradictory, their decision to withdraw support from the FTC label has roots in a long struggle for control of Fair Trade. We argue that their actions signal a new stage in consumer action, as activists lose faith in the legitimacy of ethical labels and instead target the agencies that own the ethical brandscape.     

EDITORS' FOREWORD

Canadian federal energy policy since the early 1970s has run counter to the interests of the producing provinces. Federal policy has always been predicated upon two points: sufficient domestic supply and acceptable domestic prices. Until the early 1970s, federal policy had been complementary to that of both the producer and consumer provinces. Natural gas shortages in 1970 and 1971, the OPEC embargo, and the quadrupling of prices radically changed federal policy. Exports were no longer promoted, and the federal government undertook to protect Canada from the inflationary pressures of rising world energy costs. These policies have run counter to those of the energy producing provinces, particularly to those of Alberta.

While it would appear that producer-provinces would have sufficient leverage to insist upon their interests, the federal government has made good use of its direct and indirect powers to set the agenda. This suggests that the Trudeau government has begun a recentralization of federal prerogative in an area historically the preserve of the provinces. Because the government has largely been successful, a difference between federal governments and supranational organizations is suggested. In supranational organizations the power to veto is vested in the governments of the states-members; in an integrated federal state, that power resides in the central government.     

Land and languor: ethical imaginations of work and forest in northeast Madagascar

Since the early twentieth century, the practice of slash‐and‐burn agriculture by Betsimisaraka subsistence farmers of eastern Madagascar, and their reluctance to engage in wage labor processes, have been interpreted by French and other Malagasy people as symptoms Betsimisaraka laziness. Colonial officials’ idea of remedying Betsimisaraka laziness justified the imposition of wage work and forest conservation. The paper argues that colonial settlers, by conflating their vision of lazy labor and a victimized landscape, did not apprehend the co‐existence of an alternative work ethic which entailed a different time‐space orientation and social relationship to land. While scholars have analyzed the “laziness” of colonial subjects as a form of subaltern resistance to colonial domination, resistance alone does not account for the fact that under certain conditions Betsimisaraka people have also willingly partaken in wage labor. This article reveals how the labor and land ethics of Betsimisaraka farmers have actively contributed to the social and natural environments of capitalism.     

基于城市社会地理学视角的农民工城镇化研究

农民工深度城镇化成为我国城市化发展、经济增长转型、社会稳定和可持续发展的重大课题。在总结、梳理国内外农民工城乡迁移与城镇化研究成果的基础上,认为在我国城市化转型发展背景下,基于城市社会地理学视角,以农民工城镇化进程中的个体微观行为特征研究为基础,研究农民工在区域认知、城镇化意愿与行为特征、城镇化格局与过程规律,建立农民工城镇化空间模型,可以揭示农民工个体微观行为下的城镇化进程与区域城镇体系规划的耦合关系;从城市生活空间与社会空间特征评价不同空间与行为模式下的农民工城镇化效率,可以提出效率导向下的农民工城镇化的空间结构与引导规划;基于空间公正理念,从城市公共产品与服务政策、资源可获性的城市社区规划等方面的创新,可以促进农民工公平、公正、有序、有尊严的城镇化进程。     

中国民营经济发展若干问题研究

民营经济是一种以民为本的民本经济;生产劳动是满足人民群众日苴增长的物质和化需要的直接的经济活劝;保护私有财产权是大国兴起之路;构建和谐社会必须正确看待当前收分配差距;必须给民营经济发展创造良好的社会环境,所有这些都是中国民营经济发展中的重要理论和政策问题。为此,我们很有必要从理论上加深对民营经济的认识,在实践中进一步促进民营经济的发展．     

Suku and the Self-Valorization of Chinese Women Workers: Before,during, and after Enterprise Privatization

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used suku (speaking bitterness) in ideological education movements to teach subaltern women to give voice to their personal narratives of oppression in accordance with Maoist political doctrine. Suku is thus a historically specific practice and a culturally specific form of women’s narrative practice. By listening to and observing the post-Mao suku narrative performance of my grandmother, a retired State-Owned Enterprise (SOE) worker, I show that her suku is a gendered performance, a form of labor that blurs production and reproduction, and a form of embedded personhood; and that suku as a form of narrative persisted through the period of economic reforms, even though its intent and audience became transformed. My kin relationship with this particular suku performance allows an analysis of the impact of suku on cross-generational relationships—those between first-generation SOE workers and laid-off SOE workers in former SOE families. Furthermore, I argue that suku can be seen as a form of labor and self-valorization of Chinese women workers discarded in the new economy, and contrary to its original disciplinary purposes, as a form of resistance.     

“For the Means of Your Subsistence ... Look Under God to Your Own Industry and Frugality”: Life and Labor in Gerrit Smith's Peterboro

The rural hamlet of Peterboro, the home of Gerrit Smith, the nineteenth century's most famous social reformer, has been portrayed as an idyllic and peaceful community free of class conflict. The extensive documentary record suggests a less harmonious situation and indicates that the community was fraught with struggle, engendered as much by Smith's reform efforts as by general class relations. This article examines class-based struggle through several vignettes, including a look at the voting patterns of the Liberty party in Smithfield, the social conditions of African Americans who lived in Peterboro, and the story of the temperance hotel.