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61.
明清时期,湖南、贵州、广西等省区交界地带是尚未纳入王朝直接管辖之下的"生苗"聚居区,被称为"苗疆",属于明清王朝的"内在边疆"。明代中期以来,明廷在以湘西凤凰腊尔山为中心的苗疆地区设立卫所、营寨,修筑苗疆边墙,隔绝"生苗"和"熟苗",加强对内在边疆的控制。明嘉靖《麻阳图》和万历《楚边图说》表现并强化了"苗疆"的存在。清代苗疆内在地缘结构改变,黔东南、桂东北取代湘西成为"生苗"聚居中心,康熙、雍正初年的疆域图中绘有三块"生苗"空白区,标明了清王朝疆域内的"化外之地"和"内在边疆",反映了清王朝的"疆域观"和"族群观"。随着雍正朝经略西南、开拓苗疆和改土归流,清王朝国家权力的空白地带--"生苗"区域逐渐减少并被代之以正式的国家政区,作为"内在边疆"的苗疆最终消失于清王朝的版图之中。疆域图生动表现了清王朝统一的深化和国家的内在拓展。  相似文献   
62.
Nancy Peluso and Peter Vandergeest first used the term “political forest” to denaturalise forests, refiguring them as political-ecological entities. Across three moments of colonialism, post-colonial independence, and counter-insurgency struggles, they analyse how states in Southeast Asia (re)made forests as a means of territorialising power. More recently, they identify a fourth, contemporary moment characterised by the entry of diverse non-state actors into the making of forests, and a shift in the rationalities and technologies of forest management. We label this fourth moment “green neoliberalism” to identify an era of global environmental governance characterised by market-based solutions to socio-ecological problems, biodiversity conservation and carbon sequestration priorities, and new moral and scientific claims to forests spanning a variety of sites and scales. The papers in this symposium transport the analytic of the political forest to Colombia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Guatemala, Indonesia, Madagascar, Singapore, and Thailand to examine how green neoliberalism’s discourses and practices have created new sites and expressions of territorialisation, governance, knowledge production, and subject formation. In doing so, they illuminate the multiplicity of actors (re)making political forests at a moment when forests’ virtues as carbon sinks and biodiversity hotspots draw massive flows of capital and justify remaking socio-ecological relations across the globe.  相似文献   
63.
许小青 《史学月刊》2004,1(10):55-60
20世纪初年,随着民族主义思潮的勃兴,导致在新式知识分子中,同时出现了破除省籍界限的“非省界”和筹备边疆的“筹边建省”的议论。表面看似矛盾对立的两种思潮,实际上却针对传统领土观念的两大障碍——“村落’’思想和“屏藩’’意识,本质上表现出以国家为最高忠诚对象和国家一体化的整体要求,充分体现了民族主义建构作用的一面,也表明清季新式知识分子民族国家观念尤其是领土观念的日趋成熟。  相似文献   
64.
65.
甲骨文、金文以及秦楚瓦文、简牍中所见的“封”(“夆”)乃是人工堆筑的土堆,其上或植有树木;“封”多沿着道路设置,用以表示其地域之归属;田地中的“封”则置立于田畔或阡道上,用于标识田地的归属。金文与秦楚简牍中所见的“疆”“畺”或“彊”,则是人为地划出的界线,它可以但并不必然表现为自然或人为的地理事物。“界”也是一种人为的划分,却有具体的自然或人为的地理事物作为标识;用于表示“界”的地理事物主要有关、垣、离、格、堑、封、刊、坞、虎落、天田、立石等人为的地理事物,以及山、川等自然地理事物。  相似文献   
66.
This study details an application of eco-cultural niche modeling (ECNM) using two modeling architectures—a genetic algorithm (GARP) and maximum entropy (Maxent)—aimed at examining the ecological context of sites with archaeological remains attributed to the culture termed the Badegoulian (ca. 22–20 k cal BP), which dates to the middle part of the Last Glacial Maximum (ca. 23–19 k cal BP). We reconstructed the ecological niche of the Badegoulian and assessed whether eco-cultural niche variability existed within this technocomplex. We identified two broad but distinct spatial entities in the distribution of Badegoulian sites based on lithic raw material sources and circulation, and found that these spatial units share a similar ecological niche. We discuss the implications of territorial differentiation within this niche in light of research on land use by culturally affiliated groups within a broad cultural entity. We propose that Badegoulian circulation networks reflect distinct social territories associated with particular conditions within a single ecological niche. This study illustrates the utility of combining ecological niche reconstructions with archaeological data to identify and evaluate diachronic trends in cultural continuity for situations where such patterns may be missed when the focus of study is restricted solely to lithic technology and typology.  相似文献   
67.
Marcelo Lopes de Souza 《对极》2016,48(5):1292-1316
In the course of the 20th century, left‐libertarian thought and praxis never ceased to be present in Latin America, even during the most difficult years of competition with Marxism‐Leninism and of military repression. But it was above all from the 1990s onwards that particularly original kinds of libertarian thought and praxis began to flourish there. Alongside more or less renewed versions of classical anarchism, new forms of praxis and analysis emerged at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st century; from Mexican neo‐Zapatism to a part of Argentina's piqueteros to some expressions of Brazil's sem‐teto movement, many new movements and ideas have developed in the last two decades. These new movements are at the same time remarkably libertarian and by no means reducible to the very honourable but somewhat too restrictive label “anarchism”. In fact, many of them are clearly “hybrid”, in the sense that they are products of both left‐libertarian and Marxist influences. Typically, these Latin American movements share a commitment to principles such as horizontality, self‐management and decentralism (which have never been part of Marxism's typical repertoire of practices and principles); moreover, autonomy is a key notion for most of them. Furthermore, spatial practices, territorialisation among them, are proving decisive for many movements and protest actions. The concept of territory is one of those “geographical” concepts that have been intensely subjected, in recent decades, to strong attempts of redefinition and debugging. In this paper, the territory is fundamentally seen (as a first approximation) as a space defined and delimited by and through power relations, and it is important to see that power (both heteronomous and autonomous power) is exerted only with reference to a territory and, very often, by means of a territory. The kind of power exerted by emancipatory social movements does not constitute an exception to this rule.  相似文献   
68.
The reception by the media of Indigenous peoples' political actions raises the issues of the discourses and representations at work in the public space. This paper examines how the Atikamekw Nehirowisiw Nation, their territorialities and political actions are represented by French‐speaking written media in Quebec. What are the discourses mobilized to apprehend the issues related to their land claims and contestation? By mobilizing a corpus of newspapers' articles published between 2000 and 2015, this study underlines the coexistence of opposed discourses. On the one hand, a colonial conception remains, reinterpreting the legal and historical legitimacy of the Atikamekw occupation and claims on the territory. On the other hand, the presence and reproduction, particularly through the words of Indigenous leaders, of an accommodating discourse towards Atikamekw's political actions cannot be ignored. The cohabitation between these two discourses highlights different sets of representations, emphasizing the ongoing colonial imaginaries in Quebec.  相似文献   
69.
Abstract

Jean Bonfa's 1696 map offered the most accurate portrait in its day of the Comtat Venaissin. Commissioned when France threatened the region economically and politically, the map's topographical detail and allegorical themes exhibit a political geography favouring papal interests. Yet the map's coordinates for Avignon reflect neither Bonfa's skill as a positional astronomer nor his collaboration with the Paris Observatory. Finally, because local authorities controlled the distribution of Bonfa's map, it was not available to other cartographers.  相似文献   
70.
Territories are spatial units that encompass the broadest range of a society's land-use behaviors as well as the history of human interactions with the natural landscape. Drawing from published documents pertaining to the North American Indian Land Claims and to the prehistory and history of land use among the Hopi Indians of Arizona, this paper integrates spatial, material, and historical variables of land use behavior (1) to formulate an empirical definition of territory and (2) to develop a generalized life history of territory formation that can be applied explicitly to the archaeological record.  相似文献   
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