关于历史上民族归属与疆域问题的再思考──兼评“一史两用”史观

如何确定中华历史疆域的标准是中华史学一个带根本性的问题,不能人为的规定一种标准,把复杂的历史疆域问题简单化。应把问题提到一定的历史范围之内,对具体问题进行具体分析。政治──文化中心有层次之分,一个政权（包括民族地方政权）的政治中心转移,应对其转移的疆域归属作出正确判断。所谓“一支两用”史观正是因错误判断民族归属与历史疆域而产生的错误观点。     

De Gilles Groulx à Jean-Marc Vallée: Transnationalisme,Américanité et Territoire dans le Cinéma Québécois

As a recent phenomenon which strongly resonates with a transnationalism that can be understood as a desire to transcend both physical and cultural borders, the exile of Québécois filmmakers to Hollywood raises issues surrounding the notions of identity and territory that are relevant to Québec politics and cinema. This vast migration of successful filmmakers who are invading Hollywood with their Québécois imprint allows us to revisit the notions of Americanness (américanité) and territory, at a time where globalization and cultural diversification are blooming. In order to better explore those issues, we will retrace the evolution of the notion of Americanness in Québec films produced at various periods of time. Likewise, the study of the more recent works of Québécois director/auteur Jean-Marc Vallée will allow us to discover the director’s diversified representations of contemporary American dreams and landscapes.     

斯巴达是城邦国家还是领土国家?

斯巴达不是城邦国家,而是领土国家。或者说,斯巴达先是一个城邦国家,后来慢慢发展成为领土国家。根据这个观点,文章建议:其一,有关《世界历史》的教材应该作修改,明确斯巴达为领土国家;其二,即使不修改,也应在教课书中注明这一观点,由学者自己去评判。否则,斯巴达是城邦国之误还会在其它史书中出现,会以讹传讹。     

Rethinking Territory

Abstract: Territory is the quintessential state space and appears to be of growing political importance. It is also a key concept in geography, but it has not been subject to as much critical attention as related geographical terms and remains under‐theorised. Taking my cue from Timothy Mitchell's suggestion that the state should be understood as the effect of social practices, I argue that the phenomenon that we call territory is not an irreducible foundation of state power, let alone the expression of a biological imperative. Instead, territory too must be interpreted principally as an effect. This “territory‐effect” can best be understood as the outcome of networked socio‐technical practices. Thus, far from refuting or falsifying network theories of spatiality, the current resurgence of territory can be seen as itself a product of relational networks. Drawing on an empirical case study of the monitoring of regional economic performance through the measurement of gross value added (GVA), I show that “territory” and “network” are not, as is often assumed, incommensurable and rival principles of spatial organisation, but are intimately connected.     

Teens and territory in contested spaces: Negotiating sectarian interfaces in Northern Ireland

The purpose of this article is to examine children's experiences of territory in one location in Northern Ireland. The research draws on stories, maps and focus group interviews with 80 children aged between 14–15 years of age, living in one of the most contested interface areas in Northern Ireland. Interface areas are locations where Catholics and Protestants live side by side in segregated communities divided by peace walls and other symbolic boundaries. Within these spaces, children made distinctions between place and territory. Place was referred to in relation to physical features of the surrounding landscape but more importantly as spaces where family and friendship ties were paramount. Territory on the other hand was referred to in terms of Protestant and Catholic identity.     

武帝早期的南郡政区

新发表的湖北荆州松柏汉墓35号木牍为武帝早期元光、元朔、元狩间文书。木牍上所写文书内的南郡各县名排序为:先由西向东,再由南向北,后由东向西记述外围,后以居南郡中心的江陵结尾。在对相关属县分析后,参照属县排序,确定出当时南郡所辖地域的大体范围,并对与南郡相邻的长沙国北疆变迁情况提出新的意见。     

Unstable properties: British Columbia,aboriginal title,and the “new relationship”

In the span of a few years, Premier Gordon Campbell transformed himself from a strong political critic of Aboriginal peoples in British Columbia to their apparent champion within a “new relationship.” The subsequent sudden collapse of Campbell's alliance with First Nations is a window into federal‐provincial relations, constitutional change, Aboriginal political organization, and the consequences of decisions made more than a century ago. Drawing on Nietzsche, we argue that Campbell's intentions, either to control or support Aboriginal peoples, were almost irrelevant; our focus should be on the “will to power” and efforts to stabilize power through territory. As a result of the collision of Aboriginal political mobilization, the expansion of natural resource development, and a series of court decisions, the unresolved nature of Canada's territorial claim to most of the land that is now British Columbia has finally reached a point where it can no longer be ignored, either politically or legally. However, the province lacks the legal authority to recognize or deny Aboriginal title, leaving the provincial government and indigenous peoples in British Columbia equally held hostage by the federal government.     

Organicism,womanhood and domesticity in Anne LaBastille's Woodswoman saga

Anne LaBastille's Woodswoman saga presents an ecological approach to organicism that aims to recuperate the notion of nature and the wilderness as live organisms in perpetual, cyclical transition. LaBastille's conception of nature as an animate entity to which the self is intimately connected unleashes her discursive advocacy for a necessary reversion to a communion with natural rhythms. Her hermitage represents a voluntary conversion into the laws of nature, a conversion which results in the identification of the self as a self-in-place, and in the redefinition of the categories of domesticity, privacy and territoriality from an ecofeminist perspective. Such redefinitions lead to an implosion of the notion of femininity itself: as LaBastille negotiates between the categories of womanhood, the wilderness, and private and public domains in accordance to organicist principles, she opens a new discursive space that acknowledges women's need for a territory of their own where they too can become independent selves-in-relation.     

The Issue of Citizenship for the Bidun Minority in Kuwait after the Arab Spring

Kuwait is a country in which there are many tribes but it is the al‐U'zam tribe which is very dominant and influential in local politics and the economy, in contrast to the other tribes in Kuwait who are recognized by the state as being equal, but have little influence in these things. The Bedouin tribes, such as the Bidun society in Kuwait, who have been excluded from nationality and citizenship and thus have no influence, are an exception. The Kuwaiti government claims that the Bidun themselves gave up these rights so as not to be part of the Kuwaiti state and this has resulted in the Kuwaiti government not granting them any formal economic, political, or social rights. Because of this, the Bidun have had to fight for their rights for decades since the formal establishment of an independent Kuwait in 1961. This article wishes to discuss whether the question of the Kuwaiti refusal to recognize the Bidun as citizens is because of geostrategic reasons, because of the fear of creating a precedent that might lead to the inclusion of other tribes into the Kuwaiti state, or because this is a traditional political strategy for dealing with politically weak tribes.