湘淮集团与19世纪60年代上海的崛起

19世纪60年代,是上海从"江南的上海"向"上海的江南"过渡的关键时期。这一时期,湘淮集团一方面通过解除太平军对上海围困,解决在此过程中产生的诸多社会问题,有效控制了上海的军政大权;另一方面通过采取系列的手段和措施,以处理日显复杂的上海中外关系,为上海的发展创造了一个相对安定和平的环境,从而成为了19世纪60年代上海崛起的一个重要因素。     

Public administration in the Australian Journal of Political Science: A review

This article reviews publications on public administration in the Australian Journal of Political Science (AJPS). A distinction needs to be drawn between public administration as a discipline and as a field of inquiry that engages specialists from several areas. The latter has been more significant in Australia in contrast to Europe and the United States. The questions discussed in the AJPS cover changes in the field and practice of public administration; the state and government; the structures of local government, public organisation and federalism; interfaces between public administration and other sectors and institutions; and issues with public sector reform and accountability. Despite the emphasis on governance in discourse and practice, the role of government continues to be central, and what emerges from experiments in new governance is that the authority of government and the significance of hierarchy (compared to markets and networks) very often remains pivotal.     

Local autonomies and economic development in Italy's incomplete transition

Since the 1990s Italy's autonomous local governing bodies have experienced important changes in their powers and functions in ways that have been shaped by national and international developments. The two decades of Italy's ‘transition’ have seen structural changes in the system that enabled the country in the second half of the twentieth century to take a place at the centre of the world economic system. But the evidence of the last two decades indicates that the changes that have taken place do not constitute a transition, but reveal instead a country that in terms of its politics and the economy is living an extremely diversified and complex phase of its history. This essay explores these processes at the level of the provinces and local government, showing how their capacity to contribute, locally and nationally, to growth through increasing territorial competiveness has been hampered by uncertainties resulting from the reforms that have been introduced and by growing financial restrictions.     

Political Power and Policy Design: Why Are Policy Alternatives Constrained?

Little research examines the stage of the policy process during which policy alternatives are formulated. Using quantitative and qualitative data from Swedish local politics, we address this deficiency by analyzing the process by which the number of specific policy alternatives is reduced. The findings suggest that, in approximately 20 percent of issues, more than one alternative will reach all politicians making the binding decisions. Most local politicians, in both the majority and opposition factions, think that they lack sufficient information on alternative policy designs. We also find a “political bias,” that is, alternatives are discarded at an early stage because they are deemed not politically feasible. Politicians outside the inner circles, especially those with higher education, would like to see more policy alternatives to discuss and from which they can make choices.     

The just city for whom? Re-conceiving active citizenship for lone mothers in Canada

In this article we argue that the ‘just city’ is one that enables individuals to exercise their citizenship, including making choices to participate (or not) in communal existence. However, inequities in resource distribution encountered by lone mothers on income assistance threaten not only individual sustenance and survival, but also the foundational fabric of our society. The implication that an active citizen is one who exercises their rights and responsibilities in a balanced way is problematic, and has the potential to add blame to poverty, justifying exclusion rather than inclusion. Using qualitative data from a longitudinal study of lone mothers in extreme poverty in Vancouver, British Columbia we illustrate how macro-processes within cities (i.e., delivery of affordable housing, food security, childcare, transportation) impinge upon the micro-processes of these women's lives (i.e., impacts on health, economic security, social mobility). Focusing on citizenship as a set of constrained choices challenges the policies and practices of social planning to consider how the scope of citizenship can be expanded by shaping key urban opportunities. Grounding the vision of a just city in the potential for personal agency suggests that policymakers and planners have a key role in shaping citizenship for the most marginalized and oppressed through a combination of providing supports and enabling opportunities in the urban environment.     

基层政区设置中的地方权力因素——基于广东花县建县过程的考察

以往政治地理学对于行政建置的研究,多注意其结果,极少注意到变化过程。广东花县原为数县交界之地,从明中叶开始,当地不断出现要求建立新政区的呼声。方案有建直隶州、建镇、建县三种。但历经150年,直到康熙年间才最终建县。本文分明中叶、明末、清初、最终建县4个阶段讨论国家与乡绅对政区建置的意见分歧,表明乡绅意志最终通过政区设立得到体现,反映出地方权势对国家决策具有不可忽视的影响力。     

Why Citizens Do and Do Not Attend Public Meetings about Local Cancer Cluster Investigations

Why do citizens choose to attend or not to attend community public meetings about possible cancer clusters? To answer this question, we examine self‐report data collected during a series of mail surveys conducted in six communities experiencing current health investigations into suspect levels of cancer or cancer clusters. We analyze the data using quantitative content analysis while also providing qualitative summaries and categorizations of survey participants' reasons for attending or not attending a specific public meeting in their community. In addition, we use survey data related to respondents' past participation and sociodemographic characteristics. The results found that rational reasons (e.g., to get information) dominated citizens' justifications for attending the public meetings, whereas socioeconomic and mobilization factors (e.g., did not hear about meeting, too busy) were most commonly cited as reasons for not attending. Less common but still present were relational considerations, such as believing the people in charge were fair. Taken together, the findings suggest that the majority of citizens who attended the public meetings could be categorized as the curious, the fearful, and the available. In comparison, the majority of citizens who did not attend could be described as the uninformed, the indifferent, the occupied, and the disaffected.     

孙中山与联省自治运动

联省自治运动是20世纪20年代中国改良主义思潮的一次重要尝试,是国家政体由君主制走向共和制的变革中地方政制相应变革的补充。孙中山反对联省自治,他认为联省自治势必会阻碍国家的统一;而极力主张地方自治,但强调地方自治不等于忽视中央政府的领导与国家的统一。     

明代地方城市的“坊”——以江西省府、县城为中心

本文主要论述唐宋坊市制崩溃以后,明代地方城市中“坊”之情形。明代地方志所记之“坊”,有牌坊、街坊、乡坊和坊图四种不同涵义。牌坊为旌表建筑物,街坊为居民居住区,乡坊之“坊”是人文地理概念,指城内外一定地理区域,坊图之“坊”等同于里、图。作为“地域实体”的街坊,其形态已不同于唐宋时期的坊市,表现为开放式的条形街区,而不是封闭的方形区域;城外街区亦得称“坊”;坊的数目增多,其规模较小。街坊与城市里甲密切相关,是城市里图区划的基本依据。