黎萨尔与菲律宾现代政治变革模式的形成

何塞.黎萨尔被认为是菲律宾"国家和个人生活的基石"。在有关黎萨尔的研究中,黎萨尔与菲律宾政治变革的途径,即经由"改革"还是"革命"来达致国家的独立、获取全民的"福利",是争论不休的一个关键问题。从黎萨尔的著作来看,黎萨尔倾向于经由菲律宾政治精英在殖民政府内部对现有不合理的旧制度进行一场彻底的、激进的"好改革"来实现菲律宾的独立和民主。如果这一条道路走不通,那么,"暴力革命"将是最后的手段。黎萨尔所强调的"精英化的好改革"的政治思想,经由美国殖民政府的渲染,最终构成为菲律宾现代政治变革的基本模式——旧框架内的和平革命。     

明清时期广东五邑地区政区变迁研究

广东五邑地区以潭江流域为中心,是一个相对独立的地理单元,但该地的政区边界却打破了自然山川的界限。从明代到清初顺治年间,为了应对以民变为首的地方政治危机,朝廷先后在潭江流域设置了恩平、新宁、开平三县。这些县级政区的边界大致与潭江流域的地理分界线重合,地理单元的独立性开始作用于政区划界中。清代雍乾年间,形成了新会、鹤山、新宁、开平、恩平五县分治潭江流域的格局。同时,随着新会县核心政区地位的巩固,流域内各县整合为一个统县政区的倾向开始加强,为后世潭江流域的政区整合奠定基础。明清时期潭江流域的政区变迁体现了地理环境和地方政治局势在政区格局形成过程中的根本性作用。     

A power elite in the cultural field. A story of Norwegian neo-corporatism

The organizational culture elite is studied as a new elite group emerging within a stable neo-corporatist state. Does this new elite adopt existing modes of operation or place itself at bay from the more established elite groups? The emergence of and changes in the culture elite are discussed from a historical perspective in terms of social background, recruitment processes, occupational careers, gender composition, political outlooks, lobbying, and media strategies. The culture elite is systematically compared to two other elites: the university elite, the most similar among the elites, and the economic elite, assumedly representing the greatest contrast. Despite special characteristics in the social situations and political views of the culture elite, it is concluded that the mode of operation of this group indicates a high degree of adaptability to the general system of elites. A main reason is assumed to be the integrative power and liberal quality of the state in a neo-corporatist regime.     

Prefiguring the State

Merging means and ends, prefigurative politics perform life as it is wished‐for, both to experience better practice and to advance change. This paper contributes to prefigurative thinking in three ways. It explores what it might mean to prefigure the state as a concept; takes its inspiration from a historical episode rather than imagined time ahead; and addresses what, if anything, prefigurative conceptions can do when practiced. Central to my discussion is the plural state—taking shape as micro, city, regional, national and global formations. Plural state thinking makes room for divergent kinds of states but does not necessarily foreground progressive ones. Thus, to explore in more detail a transformative left conception of the state, discussion turns to 1980s British municipal radicalism. Taking up this adventurous episode in governing as a “thinking tool”, an imaginary of the state as horizontal, everyday, activist and stewardly emerges.     

Muslim active citizenship in Australia: Socioeconomic challenges and the emergence of a Muslim elite

The most recent national Census demonstrated that Australian Muslims continue to occupy a socioeconomically disadvantaged position. On key indicators of unemployment rate, income, type of occupation and home ownership, Muslims consistently under-perform the national average. This pattern is evident in the last three Census data (2001, 2006 and 2011). Limited access to resources and a sense of marginalisation challenge full engagement with society and the natural growth of emotional affiliation with Australia. Muslim active citizenship is hampered by socioeconomic barriers. At the same time, an increasingly proactive class of educated Muslim elite has emerged to claim a voice for Muslims in Australia and promote citizenship rights and responsibilities.

最近的全国普查显示,澳大利亚的穆斯林仍处于社会经济的弱势地位。在诸如失业率、收入、就业类型、家居拥有等关键指标看,穆斯林一直位于国家平均水平之下。这一模式在最近三次普查（2001、2006、2011）中非常明显。获得资源渠道的有限以及边缘化感觉阻碍着他们充分参与社会,以及在情感上融入澳大利亚。穆斯林的公民意识受困于社会经济障碍。与此同时,也出现了一班受到良好教育的穆斯林精英,这个积极进取的阶层开始为澳大利亚的穆斯林代言,促进他们的公民权利和义务。     

The Street Corps of Changsha around 1920

The Changsha Street Corps originated in the local militia during the period of the Taiping Rebellion, and it played an important part in Changsha’s urban social management at the grassroots level. However, the role and influence of the street corps underwent changes during the process of modernization and the building of the modern nation–state. By 1920, although the street corps of Changsha still worked as the agent of the state at the grassroots level, its autonomy had been curtailed, and its social influence weakened. In the new social environment, even the maintenance of neighborhood interests became a challenge for the street corps. This article illustrates the readjustments in geopolitical and industrial relations during the process of urban modernization. It also illustrates how a new form of state power, namely the police, infiltrated the social management system, affected the traditional social structure, and complicated the interaction between modern state and society.     

新时期中国文化发展的几个宏观问题研究

改革开放以来,中国共产党的文化理论与政策经历了从“一体化”的文化建设理论与方针到建设“高扬主旋律”的多样化的文化观念与政策的演进;党在知识分子问题上的认识和政策也发生了很大转变,不但认识到知识分子是工人阶级的一部分,是先进生产力的开拓者,而且把市场经济、知识经济、信息时代与知识分子政策密切联系在一起;与此同时,建立在一元化基础上的一体化的文化形态开始解构,并形成了主导文化、大众文化和精英文化三足鼎立的当代中国文化的基本格局。     

《河南通史》评议

《河南通史》是河南省“八五”社会科学规划重点项目成果,填补了河南地区没有地方通史的空白。该书在研究特色上有自己的特点和优长之处,也有较高的学术价值。主要表现在:既在全国整体中写河南,又注意突出河南地方特色;注重中国古代历史上的一些重大问题的研究;资料翔实,既广泛运用典型的正史资料,又充分使用方志资料,并重视使用考古资料,实现了考古与文献资料的结合;注意吸收学术界的最新成果,观点多有创新。不足之处是,某些观点还有可商榷之处,各卷之间的布局不够均衡,某些部分显得单薄。     

魏晋南朝的军府管理与地方变乱

魏晋南朝地方军政官的频繁变乱是个值得研究的问题。其原因主要在于:军府长官在获得财富方面具有先天之利,名义上属于国家的地方财富常常会被越轨的军政长官挪作私用。当时以“节”为发兵符信,但是诏书与尚书符都很容易被伪造,朝廷无法防止地方军政官擅自募兵、兴兵。中央也曾对军府内部士兵、府僚、属州刺史与军府长官之间过于亲密的关系进行干预,并且加以种种规定。但这些规定具有矛盾性,而且这种矛盾性又总是向有利于军府长官的方向转化。中央一直向军府派驻有各种监察性质的官员,但这种官员在身份和地位上又从属于府主,有听命于府主的义务。