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71.
中共中央三代领导集体与中国工业化   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
50多年来,在以毛泽东、邓小平和江泽民为核心的三代中央领导集体领导下,我国的工业化和现代化建设取得了举世瞩目的巨大成就。毛泽东在探索“中国工业化的道路”的过程中,从本国的国情出发,“以苏为鉴”,实事求是地总结经验和教训,提出了“以农业为基础,以工业为主导”的建设方针;邓小平继承和发展了毛泽东关于中国社会主义工业化的重要思想,从社会主义初级阶段的国情出发,认真总结历史的经验和教训,并借鉴世界上其他国家工业化、现代化得失成败,成功地探索出有中国特色的社会主义工业化、现代化道路;以江泽民为代表的第三代中央领导集体,全面贯彻“三个代表”重要思想,结合新的实践,与时俱进,勇于创新,进一步完善了邓小平有中国特色的社会主义工业化、现代化建设理论,走出了一条速度较快、效益较好、整体素质不断提高的新型工业化道路。  相似文献   
72.
中共第三代领导集体对"一国两制"方针的继承与发展   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
以江泽民为核心的中共第三代领导集体,继承和发展了党的"一国两制"方针,根据两岸形势的变化,与时俱进地制定了一系列的对台方针、政策和措施:坚持一个中国原则,坚决反对分裂,反对"台独"活动,维护祖国统一;坚持通过两岸对话和谈判来实现祖国的和平统一;高度重视对台湾人民的工作,贯彻"更寄希望于台湾人民"的方针;积极推动两岸的经贸交流与合作;不承诺放弃使用武力,积极做好军事斗争准备,有力地推进了祖国统一的历史进程.  相似文献   
73.
党必须经受执政地位的考验 ,是我们党三代领导集体一贯坚持和强调的重要思想。毛泽东估计了在民主革命胜利以后国内外阶级斗争的新形势 ,及时警告资产阶级的“糖衣炮弹”将成为对无产阶级、对已经取得执政地位的中国共产党的主要危险 ;建国后 ,毛泽东继续坚持和发展了经受执政地位考验的思想。建国初期 ,邓小平作为第一代领导集体的重要成员着重指出了党在执政地位取得以后可能产生的一些危险倾向 ,强调注意和重视执政党的特点 ,在执政全过程中都要坚持为人民服务的正确态度 ,要十分珍惜来之不易的执政党地位 ;改革开放时期 ,邓小平成为第二代领导集体的核心 ,对我党几十年执政经验教训进行了总结 ,特别是针对“文化大革命”和结合改革开放时期的新形势、新特点进行了深刻思考 ,从而对党如何在新的历史条件下经受住执政地位的考验提出了许多新的思想。党的第三代领导集体与第一、第二代领导集体一样 ,都特别注意和善于把握住巩固执政地位关键在于党的自身状况这一根本点 ,都注重保持和加强党和人民群众的血肉联系 ,从而为党提供最深厚的力量源泉 ;同时 ,第三代领导集体在经济全球化、政治多极化趋势日益明显地时代背景下 ,善于及时提出、提升、提炼出执政党建设的经验教训 ,并对我们党的发展、巩固提出  相似文献   
74.
This article deals with the ways in which different political conflicts surrounding the emergence, independence, and consolidation of Castile as a political agent are managed and solved in the Poema de Fernán González. It shows how internal conflicts within the Castilian community are settled by favoring an authoritarian vision of leadership, discouraging consensus and shared decision making. Regarding conflicts with other political domains, the poem legitimizes Castilian independence by means of a narrative that makes natural Castilian claims on Visigothic heritage, while at the same time presenting Castile as following legal procedures and as a victim of external aggression.  相似文献   
75.
新中国成立以来,中国共产党的对台方针政策虽然经历了从"解放台湾"到"一纲四目"乃至"一国两制"的演变,但坚持一个中国、维护祖国统一、捍卫国家主权和领土完整,是其不变的原则.中共十六大以来,中共新一代领导集体在坚持原则的同时,寄希望于台湾人民,处理两岸关系更趋务实灵活,进一步加强了其在两岸关系基本格局中的战略主导地位.  相似文献   
76.
饭店管理人员的真诚型领导风格对员工工作绩效的影响   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
作者在24家饭店进行了一次实证研究,探讨管理人员的真诚型领导风格对员工工作绩效的影响。多层次线性模型分析结果表明,部门负责人的真诚型领导风格会通过员工感知的部门负责人的公仆型领导风格,间接影响员工的工作绩效;部门的真诚型领导氛围会通过部门负责人信任员工的氛围,间接影响员工的工作绩效。  相似文献   
77.
Why would a new provincial premier, having in his first general election increased his governing party’s seats in the legislature from 62 to 72 out of 83, resign just three years later? Normally, in Canada a provincial first minister remains in office so long as s/he wins elections, and either retires of his/her own accord or is forced to resign after an electoral defeat. Ed Stelmach’s brief tenure (2006–11) as premier of Alberta is a singular anomaly in that regard. Relying on interviews with the principal players, monographic and newspaper accounts, and party as well as Elections Alberta websites, this article makes systematic comparisons between the major features of Stelmach’s term in office and his predecessors, Peter Lougheed and Ralph Klein. This leads to the conclusion that popularity with the voting public simply did not translate into popularity in the backrooms of Alberta politics, where it apparently counts most.  相似文献   
78.
ABSTRACT

Satisfaction with democracy has declined rapidly in Australia, reaching the lowest level recorded since the 1970s in 2019. Whereas Australian citizens used to be among the most satisfied democrats in the world, there is now evidence of widespread dissatisfaction. What explains this rapid decline in political support? Comparative studies emphasise the role of government performance, both political and economic, in shaping citizens’ attitudes towards the political system. This paper examines the role of government performance in shaping satisfaction with democracy in Australia, using Australian Election Study data from 1996 to 2019. The results demonstrate that frequent changes of prime minister, which a majority of voters disapproved of, and rising economic pessimism contributed to the decline of democratic satisfaction in Australia.  相似文献   
79.
The moment that Lord Curzon was passed over and Stanley Baldwin succeeded Andrew Bonar Law as prime minister in 1923 is generally regarded as a turning point in British political history. From this time it appeared that members of the house of lords were barred from leading political parties and becoming prime minister. In an age of mass democracy it was deemed unacceptable for the premier to reside in an unelected and largely emasculated chamber. This understanding is seemingly confirmed by the career of the Conservative politician, Douglas Hogg, 1st Viscount Hailsham. Notwithstanding a late entry into political life, he was regarded as a potential successor to Baldwin. His acceptance of a peerage to become lord chancellor in 1928 has been seen as the moment when Hailsham's claims to lead the Conservative party ended. But although Hailsham never became Conservative leader, his experience undermines the suggestion that peers were unable to lead political parties in inter‐war Britain. Despite his position in the Lords, his chances of succeeding Baldwin never vanished. The crisis in Baldwin's leadership after the loss of the 1929 general election and the lack of a suitable successor in the Commons created the circumstances in which leadership from the Lords by a man of Hailsham's ability could be contemplated. Hailsham's continuing prominence within the Conservative ranks and specifically his contributions to the party during the years 1929–31, together with the thoughts of high‐ranking Conservative contemporaries, make it clear that he very nearly emerged as Baldwin's successor at this time.  相似文献   
80.
企业能否成功,很大程度上取决于企业领导的素质。本分析旅游服务睦.企业领导应具备的素质,探讨应如何提高旅游服务性企业管理人员的领导能力。  相似文献   
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