Female leadership and welfare state reform: the development of Australia’s first national paid parental leave scheme

The Howard Government’s commitment to supporting the male breadwinner policy model was a major barrier to the efforts of female political leaders to influence the development of a national paid parental leave scheme. Associated with this model was the argument that paid parental leave ‘discriminated’ against non-working women and devalued their contribution to society as mothers. Despite a change of government in 2007 this argument remained influential through the Productivity Commission’s Inquiry into Paid Maternity, Paternity and Parental Leave (2009). Key to the eventual legislation of the scheme in 2010 was female leaders’ strategy of aligning with, rather than disrupting, this narrative. As such, women in trade unions, political parties, women’s groups and the bureaucracy framed paid parental leave as supporting women in their maternal roles as it allowed them the financial breathing room to stay at home for longer with their newborn.     

Rebel with a Cause: Ahok and Charismatic Leadership in Indonesia

The representation of minority ethnic communities is an acute issue in many countries in East and Southeast Asia. In Muslim-majority Indonesia, the rise of Jakarta’s governor, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, nicknamed “Ahok”, was a surprising phenomenon given his ethnic and religious minority status as a Christian of Chinese descent. Even more surprising was his initial success as a politician despite a controversial style of communication that appears to contrast with prevailing cultural norms. We argue that the reason for Ahok’s unlikely rise to prominence lay in his ability to reshape the political narrative by shifting the focus of “Indonesian-ness” away from ethnic or religious identity to moral values based on transparency and integrity. Ethnicity and identity remain powerful forces in Indonesian politics, but we argue that Ahok has established a charismatic relationship with followers by positioning himself in opposition to some of the more pressing concerns in contemporary Indonesia.     

中共三代领导集体全球战略观的演变

建国以来 ,中共三代领导集体根据国际战略形势的变化发展 ,提出不同时期的全球战略思想 ,毛泽东依据世界格局的变化 ,提出了三个世界理论 ,并从战略高度及时调整了我国的内外政策 ;邓小平分析了当代世界格局的新变动 ,提出了和平与发展是时代主题的理论 ,进一步调整了中国的外交政策 ;江泽民分析了我国改革开放和现代化建设的新国际环境 ,提出了“争取一个长期的和平国际环境”的战略方针 ,开创了面向新世纪的外交新局面。从建国初期的“一边倒”战略到六七十年代的“一条线”战略 ,从“一条线”战略再到 80年代确立的不当头、不结盟的战略方针 ,中共三代领导集体的全球战略观有着内在的密切联系 ,即都始终坚持了独立自主和反对霸权主义 ,维护世界和平的原则立场。表明了中国共产党人深邃敏锐的世界历史眼光和对世界历史进程的自觉把握。     

New Guinea Leadership as Ethnographic Analogy: A Critical Review

Increasingly, archaeologists are recognizing cultural anthropological work in New Guinea as an important source of ethnographic analogy for understanding the initial stages of cultural evolution. This article critically reviews the literature on leadership in contact-era New Guinea. It is intended as an introduction both to different theoretical interpretations of leadership, as these have developed from Marshal Sahlins's Big-man archetype to the present, and to the primary literature on the topic. It points to several implications for archaeological theory, identifies a number of problems in the ethnography and theory of contact-era New Guinea leadership, and concludes with a brief guide to deploying the ethnographic and theoretical literature.     

新中国建立初期干部队伍建设的历史经验

新中国建立后,中国共产党的地位和中心任务的转变预示着干部队伍地位和任务的必然转变。为了使原有的干部队伍适应新中国的新情况,使他们能在新的历史条件下更好地适应经济建设需要,党的第一代领导集体在培训干部专业技术知识、纯洁干部队伍和惩治干部犯罪、保持干部队伍的团结等方面做了诸多有益的探索,造就出了一批擅长治国治军、清正廉洁、团结的干部队伍,为共和国的发展积累了宝贵的历史经验。     

论德国现代化中容克领导权的确立

17—18世纪,普鲁士在容克地主的支持下因不断革新而迅速发展和壮大。19世纪上半期,普鲁士主流派容克积极适应资本主义发展要求,推动了普鲁士国家和容克自身的资产阶级化。通过领导和推动德意志的政治统一,容克和普鲁士最终确立了在德意志现代化进程中的领导地位。普鲁士容克不断顺应历史潮流,在相当长时期内和相当程度上实际扮演了资产阶级的角色,起到了德国资产阶级未能发挥的作用。     

管理人员的公仆型领导风格对员工工作绩效的持久影响

作者采用纵断调研法,在广州市3个客运站连续6个月收集员工的工作绩效数据,对管理人员的公仆型领导风格和员工的服务导向行为与员工的工作绩效之间的因果关系进行实证检验。滞后效应分析结果表明,管理人员的公仆型领导风格不仅影响员工的目前工作绩效,而且通过员工原先的工作绩效,间接影响员工目前的工作绩效。员工的服务导向行为中介管理人员的公仆型领导风格对他们的工作绩效的正向影响,并调节员工原先的工作绩效对目前的工作绩效的影响。     

CBC News Coverage of Canada's 2006 Liberal Party Leadership Candidates

Content-coded CBC evening newscasts are used in this article to examine reports on the eight candidates for Liberal Party leader in the weeks before the party's 2006 convention. In a sharp contrast to news reports on US presidential nominations, The National provided coverage balanced between the horse race and more substantive matters, including policy discussions and a candidate's personality and leadership qualities. But as with US nomination coverage, The National largely ignored trailing candidates, focusing nearly all its attention on the likely and plausible nominees. In terms of tone, The National provided “compensatory coverage,” where front-runners were treated more negatively than the candidates who were further back in the field.     

Policy Entrepreneurship and Policy Change

This article reviews the concept of policy entrepreneurship and its use in explaining policy change. Although the activities of policy entrepreneurs have received close attention in several studies, the concept of policy entrepreneurship is yet to be broadly integrated within analyses of policy change. To facilitate more integration of the concept, we here show how policy entrepreneurship can be understood within more encompassing theorizations of policy change: incrementalism, policy streams, institutionalism, punctuated equilibrium, and advocacy coalitions. Recent applications of policy entrepreneurship as a key explanation of policy change are presented as models for future work. Room exists for further conceptual development and empirical testing concerning policy entrepreneurship. Such work could be undertaken in studies of contemporary and historical policy change.     

Max Weber,charisma and nationalist leadership1

ABSTRACT. One of Max Weber's most well‐known achievements was the formulation of three concepts of legitimate authority: traditional, legal‐rational and charismatic. However, there are particular problems with the last of these, which is not historically grounded in the manner of the other two concepts. The charisma concept originated with Weber's sociology of religion, was pressed into service in pre‐war writing on the sociology of domination, shifted focus in his wartime political writings and changed meaning again in his post‐war writing on basic sociological concepts. To use the concept in historical‐political analysis, I argue, one must distinguish between a pre‐modern and modern form of charismatic domination. I argue that doing this enables us to understand features of the leadership of colonial nationalist and fascist movements.