Kowtowing before the Kaiser? Sino-German Relations in the Aftermath of the Boxer Uprising

While most discussions of Germany's response to the Boxer Rebellion have focused on the Kaiser's infamous ‘Hun Speech’, few have scrutinised the attitude of the Kaiser and the institutions of the German state towards the Chinese after the war. This article demonstrates that Sino-German relations after the Boxer War were mishandled by Berlin, particularly the Kaiser. Despite having insisted on a public apology from the Chinese emperor for the Boxers' anti-European violence, the subsequent Chinese royal mission to Berlin saw the Germans lectured by the visiting Chinese on appropriate standards of civilised conduct before being offered a non-apology. Despite these very public snubs, the Chinese delegation were feted all over Germany and awarded imperial honours before returning home, having comprehensively won the peace. By looking more closely at the dynamics of this so-called ‘Atonement Mission’, this paper highlights how the Chinese Empire transformed a publicly staged act of abasement into an assertion of Chinese dignity and defiance that embarrassed the Kaiser in the eyes of Europe.     

International Organizations and Rural Development: The FAO Perspective

This epilogue reflects on the findings of the articles collected in this section and discusses their contributions to the history of international organizations and rural development.     

环南海区域跨境航空网络空间结构演化

本研究收集2000、2010、2018年环南海区域各国家/地区间国际机场的跨境客运、货运航线和航班数目,探究近20年该区域跨境航空客运和货运网络的整体结构与空间格局演化特征,并综合客运和货运网络分析枢纽机场体系演化。研究发现：①该区域跨境航空网络的整体结构具有覆盖范围扩大、“小世界”效应明显和“无标度”特征显著的特点,但客、货运网络的演化存在差异。②该区域跨境航空客运网络具有明显的轴—辐组织结构特征,并呈现“多核心化”的演化趋势,而货运网络中以香港、新加坡为枢纽的轴—辐组织结构与局部性的“点—点”航空货运联系并存,尚未形成全局性的轴—辐组织结构。③该区域的区域客、货运枢纽机场发展呈现综合化、专业化趋势,香港（HKG）和新加坡（SIN）长期以来保持优势地位。     

Memories of vacant lots: how and why residents used informal urban green space as children and teenagers in Brisbane,Australia, and Sapporo,Japan

Contact with nature is vital for the development of children and teenagers. In the past, informal urban green spaces (IGS) such as vacant lots appear to have been used for such purposes. We need to better understand how previous generations used IGS to make sure young people today can also enjoy its social, mental, emotional and physical health benefits. This study quantitatively compared adult residents' memories of IGS use in their childhood and teenage years in two geographically and culturally distinct cities: Brisbane, Australia, and Sapporo, Japan. The results showed most respondents (>70%) remembered using IGS in the past, and preferred it over other green space because it was easily accessible. Most (>70%) recalled experiencing no problems (e.g. danger of injury) when using IGS, a contrast to recently increasing parental concern for children's safety. Such factors may limit present IGS use and prevent it from fulfilling the important role it played for previous generations' recreation.     

War as Feminized Labour in the Global Political Economy of Neoimperialism

ABSTRACT

This article examines the structures of international relations that facilitate political violence in postcolonial states. It explores the intersections of patriarchy and imperialism in the contemporary political economy to understand how armed conflict and political violence in postcolonial states form an integral element of the global economy of accumulation in deeply gendered ways. By focusing on the structural level of analysis, this article argues that the siting of armed conflict in postcolonial contexts serves to maintain neo-colonial relations of exploitation between the West and non-West, and is made both possible and effective through the gendering of political identities and types of work performed in the global economy. I argue here that armed conflict is a form of feminized labour in the global economy. Despite the fact that performing violence is a physically masculine form of labour, the outsourcing of armed conflict as labour in the political economy is ‘feminized’ in that it represents the flexibilization of labour and informalization of market participation. So while at the same time that this work is fulfilling hegemonic ideals of militarized masculinity within the domestic context, at the international level it actually demonstrates the ‘weakness’ or ‘otherness’ of the ‘failed’/feminized state in which this violence occurs, and legitimizes and hence re-entrenches the hegemonic relations between the core and periphery on the basis of problematizing the ‘weak’ state’s masculinity. It is through the discursive construction of the non-Western world as the site of contemporary political violence that mainstream international relations reproduces an orientalist approach to both understanding and addressing the ‘war puzzle’.     

The Special Relationship Transformed. The Canada–Quebec–France Triangle after de Gaulle

ABSTRACT

Because of France’s unique role in Quebec’s international relations, any study of Quebec’s emergence on the international scene necessarily involves an analysis of this relationship. This article proposes an examination of Canada–France–Quebec relations in the decades following de Gaulle’s resignation in 1969. Several scholars focus on France’s implicit support for Quebec independence, considering that to be the essential ingredient of their “special relationship,” whereas I demonstrate that the foregoing interpretation overlooks the fact that France began to withdraw from the Canadian internal debate soon after de Gaulle’s resignation. During the last forty years, France’s abstention from interfering in Canadian internal affairs enabled both the flourishing of Quebec diplomacy and the deepening of the France–Quebec relationship.     

Australia's national security priorities: addressing strategic risk in a globalised world

This article1 1. The authors wish to acknowledge the support of their respective home institutions—the University of Sydney and San José State University, as well as Stanford University (where Dr Reckmeyer served as a Visiting Professor with the Center for International Security and Cooperation in 2009–10)—for the necessary time and funds to conduct this study. View all notes reviews the seminal influences on Australian national security planning and outlines a methodology for assessing national security risk which provides a workable analytical framework for prioritising Australia's national security challenges and allocating scarce resources in a systematic and integrated way. The authors argue for a System of Systems approach that addresses the most serious security challenges as a whole rather than treating them as independent, compartmentalised issues. The ability to develop effective analytical tools for assessing national security risk will be a key determinant of strategic success in the twenty-first century. Nations adept at anticipating developments, discerning trends and evaluating risk among the clutter of confusing and contradictory change indicators will be significantly advantaged over those which are not.     

Who is entitled to ‘earn sovereignty'? Legitimacy and regime support in Abkhazia and Nagorno‐Karabakh

Abkhazia and Nagorno‐Karabakh are internationally unrecognised political entities, or so‐called de facto states, that have emerged as a result of the incomplete and contested state‐formation of their parent states and of the secessionist movements that emerged in the power vacuum of the post‐Soviet space. In addition to examining the conventional reliance on the self‐determination principle, usually followed by a call for international recognition (as often practised by emerging sovereigns), this article aims to survey whether these political entities have proved that they embody ‘rightful authority’ as such and whether they ‘have earned their sovereignty’. In other words, it attempts to examine the self‐determination claims in Abkhazia and Nagorno‐Karabakh based on legitimacy criteria that are widely accepted for liberal democratic societies using an analysis of the respective issues as they were represented in focus‐group discussions in these two regions.     

英国旅游者出游年龄规律研究

旅游统计和市场研究中年龄经常作为一个变量被广泛使用,但是针对年龄变量的论证却寥寥无几。本文依托中英两国最新权威统计资料,结合实地问卷调查资料,以英国人为例,研究年龄对其出游的影响规律,首次提出了出游年龄优势论。英国人出游决策呈现明显的年龄规律,以青壮年(25—44岁)和中老年(45—64岁)为主,占80%以上,其余年龄群体所占比例较少。这种现象归结为"出游年龄优势论"。人口老龄化趋势促使旅游管理者和营销者关注老龄化市场,老龄市场份额呈上升趋势,但是老年人不会取代中青年成为首要旅游市场,这主要是受健康状况和收入水平双瓶颈限制。英国旅游市场呈现出来的年龄规律具有一定的普遍性。     

The Caliphate,and the Changing Strategy of the Public Statements of al-Qaeda's Leaders

Abstract

According to the American President George Bush's administration, the establishment of a global Caliphate is a key al-Qaeda goal. This article focuses primarily on the statements of Ayman az-Zawahiri and Osama bin Laden, with their public words traced throughout the last three decades, from Egypt to Afghanistan, to Sudan, back to Afghanistan and through the various conflicts that have happened since they have been on the run post 9/11. By highlighting the changing strategy of their discourse according to the events around them and internationally, it is shown that far from being a critical part of al-Qaeda ideology as some would have the public believe, the Caliphate plays a minor role in their objectives and rhetoric, used primarily as a motivational and instrumental tool in uniting the ummah in its efforts to expel foreign forces from what it considers to be occupied lands.