How Chinese scholars think about Chinese foreign policy

China’s assertive diplomacy in recent years has ignited intense debates among international relations (IR) scholars. Some argue that China’s assertive behaviour is rooted in its perception of increasing power and capabilities. Others suggest that it is US policies that triggered China’s assertive reactions. Relying on an original survey of China’s IR scholars conducted in Beijing in 2013 and using structural equation modelling, we empirically examine Chinese IR scholars’ attitude towards Chinese power versus the United States, their perceptions of US policy in Asia, and their preference for an assertive Chinese foreign policy. We find that both the power perception and policy reaction arguments make sense in accounting for Chinese IR scholars’ attitude regarding China’s assertive diplomacy. However, our research suggests that a more pessimistic view on Chinese power is more likely to be associated with a preference for an assertive foreign policy.     

From Propaganda to ‘Information’: Reforming Government Communications in Britain

Since the 1980s, several studies of post-war British propaganda have been published. While many of these have focused on developments abroad, some have explored domestic work carried out under the auspices of the Central Office of Information. Established in 1946, the Central Office of Information provided a range of services to government departments, including advertising and public opinion polling, but it was just part of a wider system of official communications that has tended to attract less attention in the historiography. Reorganised by Clement Attlee’s post-war Labour governments, this system was presented to the public as a means of disseminating impartial and apparently non-controversial ‘facts’ about government policy. Few commentators today accept that justification, but little is known about why it emerged after the Second World War or what impact it had on existing communications machinery. Taking a broad view of the subject that considers the inter-war and wartime antecedents to the post-war communications system, this paper seeks to fill in some of the gaps that have emerged in the literature. Focusing on shifts in official nomenclature and departmental practice, it explores the relationship propaganda shared to government policy and its broader legacy in the twentieth century.     

The spaces of UK students’ unions: extending the critical geographies of the university campus

This article seeks to further our knowledge of the university campus by focusing on one particular aspect of most UK campuses: the students’ union. UK students’ unions have rarely been the subject of scholarly attention, despite them now occupying an important place within the higher education landscape. Nevertheless, in this paper we draw on a UK-wide study of students’ unions to explore, firstly, the role played by the buildings of the students’ union and, secondly, the ways in which aspects of the university’s campus influence union activity. We pay particular attention to the expansion of the university campus, in many institutions, from a single site to multiple sites, both within the UK and overseas. We contend that a focus on the materiality of the students’ union and the level of union activity (or inactivity) across various campus spaces can illustrate the values, ideologies and power relations that dominate contemporary British higher education.     

从国际侨汇新动向看我国侨汇政策

近 3 0多年来 ,国际侨汇的数量急剧增长 ,侨汇的作用也发生了重大变化。据国际基金组织 2 0 0 0年度国际收支报告 ,目前全球侨汇总额已超过 1 0 0 0亿美元 ,约为 3 0年前的 5 0倍 ,其中60 %流向发展中国家。印度侨汇每年多达 1 0 0亿美元 ,高居榜首 ,紧跟其后的是墨西哥和菲律宾等发展中国家。值得注意的是 ,在许多发展中国家利用侨汇发展经济的时候 ,中国对侨汇工作却由于外资输入的不断增加而有所忽视。中国 1 982 1 999年 1 8年的侨汇收入总额只有 1 1 0亿美元 ,仅相当于印度1 999年一年的侨汇收入。笔者认为 ,我国有关部门应当关注侨汇工作 ,充分认识侨汇资源的重要意义 ,采取有效措施 ,更好地为经济建设服务。     

世界历史、英国学派与国际关系理论

针对当前西方国际关系理论在解释现实和预测未来上的混乱和无力,作者提出理解过去成为重构国际关系研究的前提;并且在介绍和评论沃尔兹、吉尔平等为代表的现实主义世界史观和沃勒斯坦世界史观的联系与区别之后,对世界历史中国际力量的结构提出了新的证据,尤其着重介绍了英国学派国际体系和国际社会概念的缘起、演化及理论家们的批判。虽然本文作者即是当前英国学派的代表人物之一,但他并不避讳英国学派在理论上的缺憾,指出巴里·布赞构建在没有共同文化的条件下国际体系也可以转化为国际社会理论框架同时,关闭了一个布尔曾经试图打开的空间。作者认为在解读国际社会的世界历史方面还有很多课题需要深入探讨。     

国际法、女权保护与第一次世界大战期间的英德宣传战

宣称战争因某种道德理想而展开是一次大战的显特征,国际法、平民权益特别是妇女儿童权益保护就成了区分和衡量战争正义合法与否的标尺。英德关于非人道作战方式的合法性争执凸显出国际法存在的严重缺失及其在宣传战中作用的有限性,而侵害最易成为战争受难的妇女儿童权利便成了宣传战中最能调动舆论情绪、最易产生宣传效果的主题,这也是英国适时将宣传战主题从德国违反国际法切换到德军大规模强暴妇女儿童上来的主要原因。     

东北地区劳动力国际流动的特点、影响因素与对策研究

本文分析了东北地区劳动力国际流动数量和营业额在全国的地位、去往国别、从事的行业等特点,论述和分析了影响东北地区劳动力国际流动的有利和不利因素。针对存在的问题,提出了发展东北地区劳动力国际流动的基本对策。     

30年来国际“贸易-交通-旅游”(3T)互动的统计分析

经济全球化背景下,国际"贸易-交通-旅游"(3T)互动日益增强。采用1982-2011年时间序列数据,分析国际贸易、交通和旅游总量的发展历程,从进、出口分量视角考察三者相关关系,运用最小二乘法构建回归方程。结果发现:①30年来国际贸易、交通和旅游的发展呈持续增长态势。国际贸易和旅游日益重要。②国际贸易、交通和旅游增长过程具有同步性,表现为波动周期同涨同落。③所构建的回归方程决断系数R²均在0.99以上,国际贸易、交通和旅游存在显著相关性。国际货运与国际贸易,国际客运与国际旅游之间具有确定、直接的因果关系;国际贸易与国际旅游的因果性尚待探究。     

The Great Dog Massacre in Late Qing China: Debates,Perceptions, and Phobia in the Shanghai International Settlement

Modern assessments of a well-known sign in a Shanghai park that stated “Dogs and Chinese Not Admitted” have established that the dog aspect of it was not true, but the sign remains highly visible in the Chinese historiography of Western imperialism. Such reassessments do not seem to recognize that the sign might have meant something considerably different to Chinese and foreigners in late Qing Shanghai than it would have in later periods of modern Chinese history. Dog–human relations had changed through a mix of two processes: dog-keeping as a social practice and the challenges of rabies in the management of urban space. Under the rule of the Shanghai Municipal Council, animals, health, and imperialism converged in the Shanghai International Settlement to destabilize the traditional roles of dogs and introduce modernity through the disciplining of both animal and human bodies and the demarcation and management of new urban spaces.