An emerging anti-reform green front? Farm interest groups fighting the ‘Agriculture 1980’ project, 1968–72

Ten years after the creation of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), the so-called Mansholt Plan was the first attempt at radically transforming European agriculture and modernising agricultural structures. Drawing upon archives of national and Community-level farm interest groups as well as records of the European Commission, this article analyses the reactions of farm interest groups to the Mansholt Plan and their strategies to oppose it between 1968 and 1972. It explores the resistance of farmers and their professional organisations to agricultural change. In particular, the article sheds new light on the reasons behind the spectacular failure of the plan and examines the long-term consequences of that failure for farm interest groups, the Commission and the member-states. It scrutinises initial reactions from farm organisations, examines the debates over the family farm (a core economic and cultural element of European agriculture), and discusses the national and transnational lobbying and protest strategies used by farmers to oppose the plan. The article contributes to a deeper understanding of the origins of transnational societal mobilisation in post-war Western Europe and highlights the impact of national and European interest groups in EC-level policy-making.     

地方治理与利益诉求:民国初年陕绥划界纠纷研究

陕绥划界是民国初年西北地区省界调整中发生的一起政治事件。上自北京政府、陕绥各级地方政府,下到争议区的伊克昭盟王公、士绅民众,分别从国家政令统一、边疆安全、争议区经济利益归属、基层社会事务决策权归属等角度,围绕蒙陕边界地区的划界问题展开利益诉求。蒙陕边界地带士绅民众在清末督办蒙旗垦务大臣贻谷整理垦务时期认购土地,拥有了争议区土地的所有权,其是否会因为政权更迭而发生改变,遂成为陕绥划界纠纷的核心问题。在近八年的纠纷过程中,北京政府与地方政府、地方政府与地方政府(陕、绥双方)、地方各系势力与两级政府之间展开利益角逐。最终,北京政府让步于既成事实的陕西一方,即移民不可能退回去的事实。而陕北沿边地方政府和士绅利用自身的威望和号召力,对争议区内民众进行宣传和引导,组建利益共同体,维护地方社会事务话语权的“正当性”。     

孙中山的考试权的宪政保障功能及实践障碍探析——以既得利益集团为切入点

有关民国时期考试权和考试制度的著述颇为丰富,也不乏就考试权与宪政的关系展开论述的著作。但尚未发现专门分析考试权的宪政保障功能的论文问世。该文以既得利益集团为切入点,就民国时期考试权对宪政的必要性、在现实实践中的运行障碍进行了初步探析。这对今天我国考试制度的构建和完善具有重要意义。对当今宪政建设也不无借鉴意义。     

农地征用中的利益博弈与立法选择

当前农地征用中失地农民与地方政府之间存在明显的利益分歧,利益博弈各方时常处于零和的状态。某些土地制度规定的相对滞后和地方政府行为的错位及＂官本位＂格局下强政府——弱农民的力量对比态势,成为利益零和博弈的根本原因。明晰农地产权主体,重构农地产权制度,创建一个有效而公平的谈判协商机制,创建农民组织,规范政府行为,这些都是立法选择方面的主要构想。     

Coalition Stability and Belief Change: Advocacy Coalitions in U.S. Foreign Policy and the Creation of Israel, 1922–44

This study examines whether advocacy coalitions are stable over time by examining legislative hearings data concerning U.S. foreign policy and the creation of Israel. It uses content analysis of 19 different policy core and deep core belief components applied to testimonies given in 1922 and in 1944. These belief components are used to identify members of advocacy coalitions and to test the coalitions' relative stability of membership over time. In addition, this research examines the stability of the belief systems of these advocacy coalitions. It finds that the structures of the advocacy coalitions remained relatively stable, yet new components of policy core beliefs emerged among all three advocacy coalitions, and such components are converging toward the belief system of the coalition advocating for the creation of Israel.     

《归侨侨眷权益保护法》法律责任设置论析

论文针对《中华人民共和国归侨侨眷权益保护法》（简称《归侨法》）＂法律责任条款＂的制定及实施情况进行全面考察,认为法律责任条款设置与法律文本中的＂义务性条款＂设置应相对应,并且还要考虑与相关法律的协调。《归侨法》的法律责任条款设置存在一些技术缺陷,如与《归侨法》中义务性条款不对称、设置的重复性、与相关部门法脱节以及其他相关问题,在此基础上,对法律责任条款的修改与完善提出了具体的建议。     

让作文教学变得快乐起来的尝试

面对毫无写作兴趣的学生,如果只是简单地告诉他们作文的要求,读几篇范文,然后叫他们写作,这样效果肯定不好。因此在设计写作主题时必须抓住学生感兴趣的内容,让他们想说爱说,让他们萌发写作的欲望,进而产生写好作文的信心。     

建立劳动者利益公平增长机制

收入分配问题已成为我国当前社会问题中最引人注目的问题,资本收益与劳动收入、经营者收入与劳动者收入差距过大,是收入分配问题的根源。要实现不同群体利益的公平增长,关键是建立、完善劳动者维权机制,提高弱势群体维护自己利益的能力。在现代企业制度下,实现劳动股本化是实现劳动者利益在公平中增长的一条颇有希望的改革之路。     

强化执政党在弱势群体利益表达中的作用

利益表达是利益博弈的基础和利益实现的首要环节,也是执政党代表人民利益从事政治实践活动的必要步骤。对弱势群体利益表达的关照与维护,表征着党的利益代表功能发挥的程度与效果。弱势群体利益表达的现实困境,要求执政党不断完善其政治结构的利益表达功能,推动对良好利益表达环境的塑造,以引导弱势群体进行理性合法的利益表达。     

THE ALTERNATIVE

Information agencies set up for business-friendly opinion moulding in Sweden worked actively with similar organizations in the Nordic countries to formulate a pro-business ideological programme after the Second World War. The intent of this so called ‘Alternative’ was to counteract social democratic ideas of a more state-planned economy. This article contributes to earlier research on how business interest associations in corporatist countries responded to the development of the welfare state in the Keynesian era. Over time, the programme became less about taking an ideological stance in defence of free enterprise and more about dealing with the economic consequences of record growth. Business involvement in cartelization proved difficult to combine with arguments for free competition, free markets, and non-regulated prices. Collaboration as well as new institutions for both formal and informal discussions between labour and capital during the 1950s and 1960s, at least in Sweden, seems to have reduced the sense of urgency for an ideological programme for business. In the end, no Nordic business programme was ever realized.