二十一世纪的中日关系

中日两国有着两千多年友好交往的历史,1972年中日恢复邦交正常化以来的30年间,发展是主流,从文化渊源上,日本是中国文化的最大受益国,然而,文化上的诸多貌似相同的因素,孕育了本质上的诸多不同之处,成为两国间产生摩擦的文化原因。二十一世纪的中日关系,定会坚定不移地向前发展,但是,一波三折地前行,似乎是中日关系发展的一种宿命,发展中日友好关系,符合两国人民的共同利益,只要日本正视并反省侵略战争的历史,以真诚的态度友好相处,中日两国友好关系的发展前景是无限美好的。     

论利益分化视角下的政党利益整合功能

伴随着改革开放的深入和社会的发展,我国社会出现了利益分化现象。适度的利益分化,对社会经济和政治发展具有积极的意义,但它也对执政党提出了利益整合的要求。提高现阶段中国共产党的利益整合能力,应着力提高执政党依靠社会组织进行整合及其价值整合和组织整合的能力。     

The “Science” of Policy Development During Administrative Rulemaking

The legitimacy of government agencies rests in part on the premise that public administrators use scientific evidence to make policy decisions. Yet, what happens when there is no consensus in the scientific evidence—i.e., when the science is in conflict? I theorize that scientific conflict yields greater policy change during administrative policymaking. I assess this claim using data from the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA). I identify policy change—what I refer to as “policy development” in this article—between the FDA's draft and final rules with a novel text analysis measure of shifts in regulatory restrictions. I then go on to find that more policy development does occur with scientific conflict. Moreover, using corresponding survey data, I uncover suggestive evidence that one beneficiary of such conflict may be participating interest groups. Groups lobby harder—and attempt to change more of the rule—during conflict, while an in‐survey experiment provides evidence of increased interest group influence on rule content when scientific conflict is high.     

The Intersection of Narrative Policy Analysis and Policy Change Theory

Narrative policy analysis and policy change theory rarely intersect in the literature. This research proposes an integration of these approaches through an empirical analysis of the narrative political strategies of two interest groups involved in policy debate and change over an eight‐year period in the Greater Yellowstone Area. Three research questions are explored: (i) Is it possible to reconcile these seemingly disparate approaches? (ii) Do policy narrative strategies explain how interest groups expand or contain policy issues despite divergent core policy beliefs? (3) How does this new method of analysis add to the literature? One hundred and five documents from the Greater Yellowstone Coalition and the Blue Ribbon Coalition were content analyzed for policy narrative strategies: identification of winners and losers, diffusion or concentration of costs and benefits, and use of condensation symbols, policy surrogates, and science. Five of seven hypotheses were confirmed while controlling for presidential administration and technical expertise. The results indicate that interest groups do use distinctive narrative strategies in the turbulent policy environment.     

‘The invisible chain’: Jeremy Bentham and neo-liberalism

ABSTRACT

Bentham's thought cannot be reduced to the usual oppositions between ‘natural freedom’ and government interference. For Bentham, freedom in a political society is determined by the existence of a legal system that creates obligations for some people and rights for others. The government's task does not directly consist in respecting a sacred natural right, but aims at producing the ‘arrangements’ that are to direct the interests of the greatest number towards beneficial goals for the community as a whole. The legislator is to know, form and guide the individual interests. For this purpose, he has to summon public opinion in order to control individual action. On this point, we should reiterate, contrary to what Michel Foucault contended, that the main form of power in modern society is not exerted by a central state, but by each individual on others. That is the meaning of a very important idea in Bentham's theory, which appears in his writings on indirect legislation under the metaphor of the ‘invisible chain’. The habit of watching and judging others in the permanent Public Opinion Tribunal is the best way to learn self-discipline. Bentham's ideal is the self-government of individuals by the calculation of pleasures and pains.     

现代大众政治的兴起与其欧洲国际政治效应

以选民范围急剧扩大为主要的直接由来,中、西欧国家政治在19世纪末至20世纪初年普遍转变为现代大众政治。与此相伴,公众舆论对国家对外政策的影响变得显和频繁;各类(特别是殖民、经济和军事三类)利益集团积极干预甚至操纵对外政策的形成;很大程度上植根于大众非理性情感、并且多半由大众传媒表述和助长的极端民族主义和帝国主义则构成欧洲及世界政治中的一大恶性力量。总之,现代大众政治的兴起是欧洲传统外交和国际政治变更的一项重要原因。     

犯罪地理学研究的新进展

本文简述了犯罪地理学研究进展的历史,揭示了犯罪地理学研究进展过程中各个阶段的特征。探讨了西方犯罪地理学研究的新进展,论述了实证主义、激进地理学思想、科际整合理论、GIS的引入是目前犯罪地理学发展的新趋势。此外,还探讨了中国犯罪地理学研究的新进展。最后,对21世纪的犯罪地理学研究进行了展望,阐述了犯罪地理学研究的12个热点课题,并指出21世纪将是犯罪地理学大发展的世纪。     

对我国新时期利益群体矛盾的动态分析

本文通过阐述我国新时期利益群体矛盾的表现形式,动态地分析了利益群体矛盾的成因,提出了正确处理新时期利益群体矛盾的指导思想、原则和对策。     

和谐社会构建中利益表达问题的分析与对策

本文从构建和谐社会的基本点——利益协调问题入手,阐述了利益诉求表达渠道对于建立利益协调机制的基础作用,分析了畅通利益诉求表达渠道在构建社会主义和谐社会全局中的重要意义。在总体上将社会利益诉求表达渠道划分为"官方渠道"和"民间渠道"两大类的基础上,分析了各条具体渠道应承担的职责、所存在的问题和应完善的方向。     

A Tale of Two Poll Books – Wareham 1702 and Dorchester 1705

The politics of Queen Anne's reign are characterised as the rage of party; Whigs and Tories contended over religion, the constitution and the succession, and foreign policy. This struggle was taken to the electorate in five elections during Anne's reign, and these raise a question concerning electors’ motivations, the answer to which remains elusive: were they acting according to principle, or reflecting the electoral interests to which they were subject? This article analyses the two surviving poll books for Dorset elections in the age of Anne, those at Wareham in 1702 and at Dorchester in 1705. It focuses principally on the voting behaviour of those engaged in the towns’ governance structures: corporation members, councils of freemen and local parishes. However, it also considers the behaviour of other categories of voter: politicians, the clergy and non-conformists. The analysis shows how electoral interest was mediated through the towns’ governing institutions and suggests that (at least in these two cases) negotiation between the parties had a greater role in the outcome than has sometimes been suggested. It also demonstrates the limits of the electoral influence of the boroughs’ elites: significant numbers of voters were simply not prepared to be led.