首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   81篇
  免费   3篇
  2024年   1篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   3篇
  2019年   2篇
  2018年   5篇
  2017年   4篇
  2016年   3篇
  2015年   4篇
  2014年   1篇
  2013年   8篇
  2012年   4篇
  2011年   6篇
  2010年   7篇
  2009年   5篇
  2008年   6篇
  2007年   10篇
  2006年   4篇
  2005年   3篇
  2004年   1篇
  2003年   1篇
  2002年   1篇
  2001年   2篇
  2000年   1篇
排序方式: 共有84条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
41.
关于美国总统威尔逊的理想主义外交,国内外学者持有不同的见解。从美国和当时的欧亚强国在对中华民国的承认、善后大借款以及对日本"二十一条"的不同反映等问题上可以看出,威尔逊在处理对华政策上和欧亚列强有着鲜明的差别,带有毋庸置疑的理想主义色彩。然而,尽管美国和欧亚强国在对华政策上存在明显的差异,其本质是一致的,即都是以维护本国的国家利益为根本目的。  相似文献   
42.
遵义市务川县的涪洋言子,是一种独特、生动、朴素的地方语言现象。这种当年因避讳匪祸而产生的言语形式,具有鲜明的地域性、民族性、口语性和趣味性。  相似文献   
43.
国外公共考古学研究现状综述   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
魏峭巍 《南方文物》2010,(3):110-114
公共考古学的概念自20世纪70年代提出以来,"公共"(Public)一词的含义一直都是公共考古学研究的核心问题。"公共"蕴含着国家和公众两个不同的维度,根据"公共"一词包含的不同价值取向,国外公共考古学的研究经历了政府参与、公众参与、公众导向等三个不同的阶段,这对中国公共考古学的定位于"面向公众的考古学"提供了理论支撑。  相似文献   
44.
霍新宾 《安徽史学》2006,6(5):57-68
国民革命时期,"爱国"与"私利"的权衡始终左右着商人参与民族主义运动的持久程度.省港罢工伊始,粤商激于反帝爱国的民族情感,多能牺牲"私利"而积极参加对外经济抵制运动.然而,随着运动的开展,"私利"的严重受损驱使其对投资此次罢工的"风险和成本"重新审视.而"特许证"取消后,商人更以合作的姿态援助罢工.与上海五卅运动中短暂的"劳资同盟"相比,省港罢工中的"工商联合"却呈现出稳固、持久的特点.此种在阶级、民族利益博弈中形成的"工商联合",不仅与中共民族主义运动统一战线策略的成熟、国民党"袒工抑商"的劳资政策关系密切,同时也与广州"工商合行"的行会传统及商人国民革命性的提高不无关联;更重要的是,罢工促进了经济发展,使商人深受其惠.正是"爱国"与"私利"的双重动因,共同谱奏着民族主义运动中工商关系绵延跌宕交响乐章的主题曲.  相似文献   
45.
Why should past occurrences matter to us as such? Are they in fact meaningful in a specifically historical way, or do they only become meaningful in being connected to other sorts of meaning—political or speculative, for example—as many notable theorists imply? Ranke and Oakeshott affirmed a purely historical meaningfulness but left its nature unclear. The purpose of this essay is to confirm historical meaningfulness by arguing that our commanding practical interest in how we share action with other actors is distinctively engaged by presumed information about past occurrences. We recognize that past occurrences have determined the conditions of action sharing, constraining our practice with regard to which actors we share practical reality with and which compounding actions we may or must join in progress.  相似文献   
46.
论文以厦门市内侨房处理中的法律问题及现实问题为例,结合现行《物权法》的相关原则及规定,对被改造、征收的华侨房屋之“一房两制”问题、“两权分离”问题、华侨信托代管房之清退问题以及城市侨房的拆迁补偿问题等,进行了分析研究,并提出了相应的法律对策。主要观点有:华侨房屋的所有人对自己享有所有权的房屋具有完全的权利,必须受到《物权法》的保护;因历史原因被“错改”的华侨房屋应当退还给业主,但根据当时的政策规定,对华侨的非住宅房屋,国家已进行了赎买或者改造的房屋,所有权为国家所有,不存在退还产权问题;政府机构对确定为华侨的房屋应主动退还给所有人;对已经拆迁的房屋应当按照法律规定进行补偿;《物权法》规定了财产平等保护的规则,因此华侨房屋权益优先保护的观念和处理方式不再符合《物权法》的规定。  相似文献   
47.
肖珍贵 《神州》2011,(3X):71-72
初中作文教学有与其他学习阶段不同的特点,这个阶段,激发学生作文兴趣是关键,引导学生关注生活,并能写出他们喜闻乐见的生活是要点,老师不能只是夸夸其谈,须与学生一起动手,与学生真诚的沟通与交流,在作文评讲时最好是设定教学目标,并考虑到学生学习能力和水平的现状,提出恰当的要求,训练点要小,效果才能突出。  相似文献   
48.
ABSTRACT

Bentham's thought cannot be reduced to the usual oppositions between ‘natural freedom’ and government interference. For Bentham, freedom in a political society is determined by the existence of a legal system that creates obligations for some people and rights for others. The government's task does not directly consist in respecting a sacred natural right, but aims at producing the ‘arrangements’ that are to direct the interests of the greatest number towards beneficial goals for the community as a whole. The legislator is to know, form and guide the individual interests. For this purpose, he has to summon public opinion in order to control individual action. On this point, we should reiterate, contrary to what Michel Foucault contended, that the main form of power in modern society is not exerted by a central state, but by each individual on others. That is the meaning of a very important idea in Bentham's theory, which appears in his writings on indirect legislation under the metaphor of the ‘invisible chain’. The habit of watching and judging others in the permanent Public Opinion Tribunal is the best way to learn self-discipline. Bentham's ideal is the self-government of individuals by the calculation of pleasures and pains.  相似文献   
49.
《Political Theology》2013,14(2):271-273
Abstract

This research article analyzes the aspirations and likely outcomes of the Christian right in terms of educational policy in America. The main source of data for this analysis draws from 13 source-protected interviews with directors of state-level Christian right organizations. A semi-structured, elite interviewing approach was utilized. The qualitative data demonstrates that the American Christian right is divided, organizationally, between those who identify with Republican party politics versus those who approach the political process more independently. The author shows that for the Christian right, education is a peripheral issue rather than a central one. Consequently, the Christian right will likely be unable to turn its political objectives into actual policy gains in terms of public education.  相似文献   
50.
Tu m'as repondu     
ABSTRACT

Literal biblical interpretation advocates the view that at the outset of the paradise story Adam and Eve were only banned to eat of the tree of knowledge. The present paper challenges this view through an economic, ra-tional choice interpretation and the application of a self-interested decision calculus (model of economic man). I mount the thesis that, on grounds of a rational choice reconstruction, Adam and Eve must have been implicitly banned from the outset not to eat of the tree of life, despite no explicit ban be-ing stated in Genesis. The paper argues for the validity and insightfulness of such a rational choice analysis of the paradise story, which considerably clari-fies the conceptual logic and structure of the Eden story.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号