NORTHERN REPLIES TO THE BRIAND MEMORANDUM IN 1930

The Briand Memorandum in 1930 was the most important effort to create stronger European political unity in the interwar period. The responses by the governments of Sweden, Finland and Estonia have not been studied before. It is convenient to study these replies together and focus on possible cooperation between neighbouring countries. Whilst France was using the Memorandum to europeanize her relations with Germany, Sweden, Finland and Estonia also adopted the Memorandum to their foreign policy. As a result a common policy towards the Memorandum could not be found, despite the fact that the three countries agreed on multiple issues.     

论中国共产党城乡一体化战略思想的形成和确立

城乡一体化战略思想的形成和确立,是十六大以来以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央推进理论创新取得的重大成果。这一战略思想的形成和确立,既有理论渊源,又有实践基础,是伴随着十六欠以来科学发展的推进,通过对城乡关系认识的不断深化而实现的,其形成和确立具有重大的理论和实践意义。     

影响马来西亚马华两族关系的文化与政治因素

从不同的宗教信仰对马华两族的融合与通婚的阻碍、自成体系的语言与媒体对彼此沟通的影响、族群政治动员在强化族群意识方面所起的作用等文化特征和族群政治的角度,探讨了影响马华两族关系的原因。结论是:马华两族宗教信仰和语言教育的区分、马来西亚特殊的族群政治态势,是影响马华两族关系发展的几个重要因素。     

晚清民国时期桂越民间边贸与民族融合

晚清民国时期,随着外来经济势力的侵入,桂越民间边贸得到了进一步发展,对广西边境地区的民族融合产生了深刻的影响。本文通过探讨晚清民国时期桂越民间边贸对广西边境地区的民族融合的作用,希望有助于加强广西边境地区的研究。     

Regional Planning in Queensland's Rangelands: Challenges and Prospects for Biodiversity Conservation

In Australia, the Commonwealth and State governments are increasingly devolving natural resource management (NRM) responsibilities to regional bodies. This move has led to the development of regional NRM plans. Native vegetation and biodiversity conservation, along with soil, pasture and water resources, are key components of the regional NRM plans in Queensland's extensive rangelands. This paper outlines and applies a set of criteria for evaluating the native vegetation and biodiversity content of accredited regional NRM plans for Queensland's rangelands. The evaluation showed considerable variation in the comprehensiveness of the information and knowledge base and management action targets among plans, including the poor articulation of impacts of excessive grazing pressure on biodiversity. The NRM plans lacked effective integration of natural resource, native vegetation and biodiversity conservation targets and actions. Several regions had too many biodiversity targets, many of which were poorly integrated. This is symptomatic of a limited understanding of rangelands as ecological systems and the lack of an integrated planning framework. We conclude regional NRM planning is not a ‘silver bullet’ for biodiversity conservation in the rangelands, but rather, it is the beginning of a long road to address complex, multi‐scale problems at a regional level.     

Model migrants?: Sikh activism and race relations organisations in Britain

Race relations organisations in Britain hailed Sikhs as models of peaceful integration during volatile political debates about the immigration of Commonwealth peoples during the 1960s and early 1970s. But Sikh campaigns to protect the sanctity of turban-wearing challenged this symbiotic relationship. This article explores how motorcycle helmet laws provoked a campaign to protect the Sikh turban and allowed diasporic Sikhs to articulate their concerns about British integration and race relations expertise during the mid-1970s. Sikh campaigners linked restrictions on turban-wearing to concerns about race relations legislation, equal employment policy, and their rights as British residents. In assessing the fluctuating relationship between Sikh activists and race relations authorities, it reveals the fractures in pluralist integrationist ideologies that continued to prioritise British cultural authority. The evidence here also demonstrates that this moment provided British Sikh communities with an unprecedented opportunity for national solidarity and diasporic community-building.     

The convictions of a realist: concepts of ‘solidarity’ in Helmut Schmidt’s European thought, 1945–82

Abstract

This article reconstructs concepts of ‘European solidarity’ in Helmut Schmidt’s political thought. Tracing Schmidt’s beliefs from the late 1940s to the period of his chancellorship and beyond, it shows how his concepts of European solidarity were shaped by the lessons he drew from the political and economic catastrophes of the 1920s and 1930s. The article reveals how Schmidt developed a largely functionalist understanding of ‘European solidarity’ that was grounded in both his generational experience and the piecemeal logic of European integration he derived from Robert Schuman and Jean Monnet. Schmidt believed that ‘European solidarity’ was not a given, but that it had to be consciously constructed through mutually beneficial intra-European cooperation. He was guided by two central convictions: that the interdependence of European economies made their cooperation both necessary and desirable; and that Germany’s unique historical burden and geostrategic location meant that its foreign policy always had to be embedded in a wider European framework. As West German Chancellor from 1974 to 1982, Schmidt then sought to translate these convictions into practice, trying to avoid a relapse into 1930s protectionism whilst at the same time hoping to avoid perceptions of German dominance in economic matters. Yet, he remained highly sceptical of any attempts to transfigure West European integration into a greater ‘European identity’, believing that the Cold War context made any such attempts futile since true European solidarity could only be practised on a pan-European scale. Putting these views in a broader context, the article concludes that Schmidt’s thoughts offer valuable insights into the relationship between constructions of ‘European solidarity’ and notions of ‘crises’, and suggests that the analysis of his pragmatic approach adds to new, less teleological narratives of European integration that are now emerging in the historiography.     

Multiculturalism as a New Form of Nationalism?

What is often described today as neo‐nationalism or nationalist populism today arguably looks like the old nationalism. What is emerging as genuinely new are the identity‐based nationalisms of the centre left, sometimes called “liberal nationalism” or “progressive patriotism.” I offer my own contribution to the latter, which may be called “multicultural nationalism.” I argue that multiculturalism is a mode of integration that does not just emphasise the centrality of minority group identities but argues that integration is incomplete without remaking national identity so that all can have a sense of belonging to it. This multiculturalist approach to national belonging has some relation to liberal nationalism. It, however, makes not just individual rights but minority accommodation a feature of acceptable nationalism. Moreover, accommodation here particularly includes ethno‐religious groups in ways that are difficult for radical regimes of secularism. For these reasons, multicultural nationalism unites the concerns of some of those currently sympathetic to majoritarian nationalism and those who are prodiversity and minority accommodationist in the way that liberal nationalism (with its emphasis on individualism and majoritarianism) does not. It therefore represents the political idea and tendency most likely to offer a feasible alternative rallying point to monocultural nationalism.     

印度加尔各答华人的生存困境及其原因探析--心理文化学的视角

论文从印度加尔各答华人社区的衰落与生存困境、印度文明传统环境下华人的生存适应与社会融入障碍、中国文化传统影响下印度华人心理文化调适的局限等方面,探讨了华人在印度社会中的心理调适过程及其心理社会均衡的实现情况。华人在印度社会遇到的是种姓制度、宗教认同和单惠型为主的交换模式,与华人的家族及宗族认同、信用借贷型为主的交往模式产生了较大冲突。这种冲突使华人与印度社会形成隔绝,并难以实现社会地位、安全、情感等方面的满足。印度华人根据生存环境调整生存策略,以符合华人基本人际状态的方式,实现心理与社会的内外交互平衡,却又加剧了其封闭性、保守性,使其未能成功利用印度社会的制度和文化谋求自我发展、实现自我革新,因而诉诸外部世界,通过再移民来寻求解决这些问题的途径和新的发展机会。这是造成印度华人社会持续衰落的内在根源。     

城乡融合发展视野下山西乡村振兴路径探索

城乡融合发展是实现乡村振兴的基本方向。在当前推动乡村振兴发展实现农业农村现代化的重要时期,深入探究城乡融合发展与乡村振兴二者之间的关系,有助于更准确地探索乡村振兴路径。本文基于人地关系地域系统理论、人与自然之间物质变换思想以及城乡融合发展思想,结合山西乡村振兴实践面临的困境,对乡村振兴微观路径进行探索。研究结果表明:城乡融合发展是城乡地域系统人地关系协调可持续的重要驱动因素。从人才、文化、组织、产业、生态等方面探索制度和各类要素的城乡融合发展具体路径,调整乡域系统人地关系以适应经济社会发展进程,可以为当前乡村振兴战略实施提供理论参考。