辽宁省与日本的经贸合作

自辽宁省与日本开展经贸合作以来,双方经贸关系发展迅速,彼此都从优势互补的经贸合作中获得了一定的利益。但是,随着经济的全球化、东南亚一些国家及我国中、西部地区投资环境的改善和市场的进一步开放,国际市场上初级产品和劳动密集型产品的竞争愈益激烈,对辽宁省传统产品的出口构成了严重威胁,也影响着辽宁省与日本的经贸合作向纵深拓展。本文在分析辽宁省与日本经贸合作现状特点的基础上,探讨影响双方经贸合作进一步发展的主要因素,提出推进双方经贸关系不断向前发展的政策性建议。     

Accident not intention: Llyn Cerrig Bach, Isle of Anglesey, Wales—site of an Iron Age shipwreck

The assemblage recovered fortuitously from Llyn Cerrig Bach in 1942 has been assumed without evidence to be the result of a Late Iron Age casting of votive offerings into that lake. The circumstances of its recovery and a consideration of the natural forces that have worked great changes to the coastline of south-west Anglesey suggest an alternative origin for the assemblage, that of its being the remains of cargo from a trading vessel lost about 50 BC.     

中国食品出口贸易地理网络演化

华人网络与文化距离对中国食品行业贸易地理网络的形成与演化具有显著影响.本文基于2000-2016年中国海关贸易数据库,首先展示中国各省份食品贸易地理网络格局及其演化趋势,研究发现我国东部省份以东亚和北美为主要出口目的地,中西部省份贸易网络的空间不均衡性较强,且各省份食品出口均有贸易联系强化和目的国多样化特征.其次,构建...     

1962年《日英通商航海条约》谈判析论

1955年9月,日本正式加入关税与贸易总协定。以英国为首的14国对日援引关贸总协定第35条,拒绝给予日本最惠国待遇。为同英国签署通商航海条约,获得最惠国待遇,日本与英国展开了长期艰苦的谈判。谈判迁延日久,英国缺乏尽快缔约的动力,日本则缺乏推动缔约的筹码。1950年代末日本政府推动贸易自由化的决定直接推动了谈判进程。为与英国达成协议,换取英国最惠国待遇及其撤销对日援引第35条的承诺,日本不得不在保护条款与敏感清单这两大问题上做出让步。1962年《日英通商航海条约》构建了日英经贸关系的稳定框架,扫清了战后日英关系发展道路上的最大障碍,日英关系进入一个新阶段。该条约提升了日本的国际地位,但却是在日本做出重大让步的前提下缔结的,日本经济外交在收获了重大胜利的同时,也显露了自身的局限。     

上海展览业市场特征实证分析

本文以实地调研获得的第一手资料为基础,以上海主要展览场馆举办的展览会为研究对象,从展览业的行业类型、参展商和专业买家对展览会的认可度评价、影响展览市场的不同因素对市场影响的强度等方面,对上海展览业的市场特征进行了统计分析,并据此提出了改进和提升上海展览业的对策建议。     

The Clash of Interests: Commerce and the Politics of Trade in the Age of Anne

This article celebrates the contribution which Professor Holmes made to the field of British politics and society by the study of an important collection of political tracts. The compiler of the collection is identified as Sir Charles Cooke, one of the most significant commercial politicians of his day. The organisation of the collection illuminates the ways in which City politicians used various channels of information, both printed and personal, to support their political platforms. It also demonstrates how Cooke contributed to the defeat of the tories over the French Commerce Bill of 1713, by supplying key sources to combat the ministry's position. On a wider plane, although it suggests that partisan politics tainted all information advanced in the public sphere, this did not relieve political rivals of the need to establish the superior authority of their sources, and political success only saw Cooke redouble his efforts to gain as wide a base of information as possible. Statistical precision remained elusive, but his archive stands testament to a growing need for authority of source in a political world of party and vested interests.     

Con-artists or entrepreneurs? Fripperers and market space in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Paris

Medieval prohibitions abound against artisans selling stolen or bloodied goods, and refabricating used clothing to deceive customers. Such prohibitions have led scholars to suggest the secondhand trade in the Middle Ages was one of poverty or marginality. Yet, if we read trade regulations carefully and alongside other types of sources as well as consider the context of a late medieval economy undergirded by credit, a complex image of fripperers materialises. This was a trade populated by both men and women of various means vying with each other and other merchants and artisans for control of retail space. This paper works to uncover the economic and cultural standing of fripperers in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Paris and the commercial space of Les Halles.     

多维邻近性视域下大北极国家能源贸易网络的演进动力研究

气候变化引致北极海冰消融，世界大国的北极能源竞争愈发激烈。厘清各国能源贸易关系，寻求各方利益最大公约数，积极推动“冰上丝绸之路”建设是避免北极地区出现“公地悲剧”的重要路径。本文结合大北极国家概念，运用复杂网络分析方法探究大北极国家能源贸易网络的演进过程及其多维邻近性动力机制，主要结论如下：①网络总体趋向稠密化，其供应重心向西偏移，消费重心向东转移，产销空间高度分离。②网络表现出典型的“核心—边缘”结构，逐步形成以美加俄为主导的“三极”格局。③网络的三大子群日益显现，中国在网络中的地位不断攀升。④网络演进过程受多维邻近性动力驱动，经济差异是主要内生性动力，地理邻近性是重要自然基础，组织邻近性是主要推动力，文化邻近性的作用趋向弱化，制度邻近性的作用愈加凸显。中国需抓住大北极能源贸易网络消费重心东移的契机，加速推进“冰上丝绸之路”建设，与大北极国家建立“三环”能源合作体系和高效稳定的能源合作机制。     

Liberia an(d) Empire?: Sovereignty, ‘Civilisation’ and Commerce in Nineteenth-Century West Africa

ABSTRACT

In the 1840s, Liberia was a black settler state on the West African coast which avowedly supported the connected ideologies of Christianity, commerce, and ‘civilisation’. However, from the 1870s, as the rest of West Africa began to be divided up into colonies, adherence to these ‘Western’ values did not spare Liberia’s leaders from some of the disruptive consequences of European expansionism. This article frames these consequences in the context of commercial clashes between the Liberian state and European traders (and their companies). These clashes predated Liberia’s declaration of independence in 1847, worsened thereafter, and later became increasingly politicised with the stricter enforcement of colonial law in the region in the 1870s, partly as a result of economic crisis. On the coast, Liberian officials struggled legally and militarily to stave off the activities of European smugglers with diplomatic backing. In the interior, commercial alliances were forged with local authorities in an attempt to keep out the French and the British, in particular. Conflicts over the collection of customs duties, the setting of borders, and, ultimately, the nature and extent of Liberian sovereignty, reached a climax during the Berlin Conference (1884–1885). The Conference led Liberia, by 1904, to implement its own version of colonial ‘indirect rule’: first and foremost to safeguard its independence, secondarily as a tool of expansion. In spite of major losses Liberian leaders were ultimately able to strengthen the country’s standing as a member of the international community of nations.     

“You Cannot Trade What Is Not Yours”: Indigenous Governance and the NAFTA Negotiations

ABSTRACT

Contemporary International Relations scholars and practitioners generally recognize that substate governments affect the state’s international affairs; however, there is less acceptance of Indigenous governments as global actors that meaningfully impact the state. After all, the expectation would be that central governments, with considerably more resources and power, would be unlikely to face a challenge from an Indigenous government. However, Indigenous governments are negotiating new relationships with foreign and domestic governments, forming economic development corporations, hiring private firms to raise capital, funding trade missions, and even opening offices in key international locales such as Beijing to engage in trade promotion and push investment opportunities in projects such as resource extraction. Applying paradiplomacy theory, which argues that International Relations cannot be properly explained absent the global affairs of substate governments, this article analyzes the effect of Indigenous peoples and governance in the Canada–US trade relationship. It specifically considers how Indigenous engagement in the global economy affects the bilateral trade regime, foreign direct investment, and cross-border trade. The driver for these analysis centers on demands for the inclusion of a so-called “Indigenous chapter” in the North American Free Trade Agreement renegotiations in 2017 and 2018.