安定战略与南唐方镇体制的崩解

南唐方镇在许多方面都发生了重要变化,这些变化引发了方镇体制军事特质的丧失,因此南唐方镇的体制实际上已不再是原先的军政体制,而是一种新的民政体制。决定南唐方镇体制崩解的根本因素是安定战略。五代十国时期是一个特别值得重视的在政治体制方面发生变化的关键时期。     

建国初期"联苏抗美"国防战略思路论析

建国初期"联苏抗美"的国防战略是"一边倒"外交战略的延伸,但不能将两者混淆。"一边倒"外交战略着眼点在于社会制度的一致和意识形态的价值取向,"联苏抗美"的国防战略着眼于国家安全和国防巩固,它的提出既有历史经验的因素,更取决于新中国国家安全环境;它经受了历史的检验,证明是一个符合当时新中国国家安全利益的正确的决策,应给予充分的肯定。     

建国53年来中国宏观经济发展的若干特点--在2003年中国现代经济史年会上的讲话

建国初期到中共十一届三中全会以前,中国的宏观经济从总的时间序列上看,可划分为第一个五年计划时期、第二个五年计划时期、调整时期和"文化大革命"时期四个阶段,每个阶段都有其各自的特点.这个历史时期的经济发展战略是以优先发展重工业为主导,强调发展速度;战略推行的结果虽然成功地建立了一个比较完整的国民经济体系,但在产业结构、积累和消费的关系、增长方式、增长的波动性方面存在不少问题.与此相适应建立起来的集中计划经济体制对于集中力量搞建设是起了作用的,但从效率上讲是失败的.十一届三中全会以来中国的经济体制和经济发展模式发生了深刻的变化,但传统计划经济体制的影响依然对今后的改革与发展构成一定的障碍.     

Denial strategy in Australian strategic thought

Although denial has been at the centre of Australian strategic thought for decades, it has frequently been used as a broad catch-all term. This article shows, however, that there are two distinct denial traditions in Australian strategic thought: anti-access denial and area denial. Despite the different denial strategies having significantly different implications for defence budgets, procurement and force structure, official strategic guidance and defence scholars themselves have rarely specified which variant they are referring to. This article first maps the conceptual genealogy of anti-access denial and area denial within Australian strategic thought, before showing why acknowledging the specific type of denial is critical for policy and operational considerations. In addition to the two traditional approaches to denial, this article introduces a third approach—‘dissuasion by denial’—which, notwithstanding its growing influence in deterrence research and high relevance to twenty-first-century Asia-Pacific security dynamics, has yet to be introduced into Australian denial debates. The article finally addresses the conditions under which each denial strategy would be the most appropriate for Australia.     

Imagining an Indian National Security Strategy: the sum of its parts

India’s power and interests continue to grow in the Indo-Pacific region and globally, yet its national security policymaking approaches have not kept pace. These may have been barely adequate for India’s twentieth-century experience as a regional power tending towards strategic restraint, but currently constrain India from being able to harness its considerable national capabilities to protect larger and more complex interests. This article identifies five key obstacles to a more coherent and effective approach to national security: lack of staffing depth in policy and intelligence; weak structures for ensuring inclusive consultation in policymaking; a disempowered military when it comes to strategic decisions; a lack of security expertise among civilian officials and politicians; and an absence of whole-of-government guidance in making and expressing policy. Many reforms are necessary, but two enabling early steps are identified and recommended: the creation of a Chief of Defence Staff position to elevate military coordination and authoritative input to policy, and the preparation of a National Security Strategy to define and guide overall policy.     

In defence of the Indo-Pacific: Australia's new strategic map

The 2013 Australian Defence White Paper categorically termed Australia's zone of strategic interest the Indo-Pacific, the first time any government has defined its region this way. This raises questions about what the Indo-Pacific means, whether it is a coherent strategic system, the provenance of the concept and its implications for Asian security as well as Australian policy. Indo-Pacific Asia can best be understood as an expansive definition of a maritime super-region centred on South-East Asia, arising principally from the emergence of China and India as outward-looking trading states and strategic actors. It is a strategic system insofar as it involves the intersecting interests of key powers such as China, India and the USA, although the Indo-Pacific subregions will retain their own dynamics too. It suits Australia's two-ocean geography and expanding links with Asia, including India. The concept is, however, not limited to an Australian perspective and increasingly reflects US, Indian, Japanese and Indonesian ways of seeing the region. It also reflects China's expanding interests in the Indian Ocean, suggesting that the Chinese debate may shift towards partial acceptance of Indo-Pacific constructs alongside Asia-Pacific and East Asian ones, despite suspicions about its association with the US rebalance to Asia. Questions about Australia's ability to implement an effective Indo-Pacific strategy must account for force posture, alliance ties and defence diplomacy, as well as constraints on force structure and spending.     

郑汴一体化背景下开封旅游业发展研究

作为一座具有2700多年历史的文化名城,开封旅游业发展取得了不小的业绩;但如果从总体上衡量,开封的旅游发展还处于初级提升的景点经济阶段.＂十一五＂规划中的郑汴一体化战略将为开封旅游的繁荣提供重大的发展机遇.面对机遇,开封应该调整旅游发展战略,依托郑州庞大的客源市场和便利的交通优势,改革景区（点）机制、筹建文化大市场、净化旅游大环境、建立强有力的旅游管理体制、进一步明确旅游城市定位,争取在规划期内实现开封旅游经济的全面振兴.     

20世纪50年代中国在引进基础上的技术创新

20世纪50年代中国的技术引进和技术创新活动集中在“一五”时期和“大跃进”时期,虽然这两个时期在引进基础上的创新活动都是在重工业优先发展战略下的体制框架内进行的,但在引进技术的行业构成、规模、项目建设的实施和技术的消化乃至技术创新机制、成效等方面都有所不同。“一五”时期采用了全面、系统、灵活多样的方式和重点攻关,在消化、吸收引进技术方面取得了明显的成效,某些领域实现了技术再造,技术创新能力得到了迅速积累,但从总体上看仍处于对引进技术的翻版、修改阶段。“大跃进”时期的技术创新机制被严重干扰,群众运动代替了深入细致的科学研究,在群众性技术革新运动中引进基础上的创新活动格外活跃,通过技术革新运动学会了自行制造一些成套设备、生产工艺,但并没有从产业部门或行业整体上真正实现引进基础上的再次创新,其整体水平依然停留在对引进技术的“初级模仿”阶段。     

新四军争取帮会抗日的方针与实践

帮会工作一直是新民主主义革命时期中共面临的实际问题和政策策略问题.在敌强我弱的态势下,为了最大限度地孤立和分化敌人,必须团结一切可以团结的力量.抗战时期华中地区帮会林立,它们既是新四军可以争取和团结的力量,同时又存在被日军收买充当汉奸,或为国民党顽固派利用充当反共急先锋的现实危险.因此,争取帮会大部分成员积极参加抗日,便成为华中新四军领导抗日民族统一战线的重要任务之一.在中共领导下,华中新四军不仅提出和制定了正确的争取、利用和改造帮会的政策和策略,而且还有效地实施了这一政策,使帮会中的大多数成员成为抗日民族统一战线的一员,从而为抗日的胜利作出了可贵的贡献.     

颓废文学的精神深度或媚俗策略之解码

以王朔为代表的“颓废文学”既是对高举“载道”、“代言”大旗的“伤痕文学”的嘲笑,又是对追求“民主”、“现代化”征兆的“朦胧诗”潮的反戈;既是对“重建乌托邦神话”的“寻根文学”之叛逆,又是对“先抑后扬”、“入世”和“转轨”的“先锋小说”之变脸。在此基础上,主创者们再佐以“新写实”中“甘为卑贱”、“粗痞”和“反禁忌”的人生原汁,就做成了一道“颓废”十足的世纪末之文化快餐。这一股文学思潮极大地迎合了广大市民不要信仰、及时行乐和对金钱占有之世纪末“颓废情绪”,是市场经济发展到一定阶段所必然出现的文学过程。