从英美烟公司广告看近代外国企业的本土化意识

近代驻华英美烟公司的产品广告在网络建设、文化认同以及把握国人心理特征等方面成功地完成了与中国商业文化的融合及其自身广告理念的跨文化转变,它所具有的本土化意识在近代外国在华企业中极具代表性。英美烟公司成功的本土化广告案例表明,本土化经营策略是近代外国在华企业有效利用中国传统社会资源降低社会经营成本的重要因素和必然选择。     

顺直谘议局与清末分权制衡体制的产生

顺直谘议局不仅是清末直隶宪政改革的产物,也是推动直隶政治体制向近代转型的重要机构。这不仅体现在顺直谘议局通过争取平等权、扩大参政权、干预行政权等方式加强其分权制衡功能;通过查究、弹劾、质问等方式加强其监督制约功能;通过制定和颁布一系列地方性章程和规则加强其立法功能;而且通过与地方政府互动体现其协调功能。通过这些措施,顺直谘议局不仅促进了地方权力的重新分配,而且为地方政治、经济改革提供了制度保障。     

论党内和谐的科学内涵及其评价标准

正确认识党内和谐的科学内涵有利于促进党的建设。实现党内和谐,应具备共同的政治信仰、统一的组织原则、党内民主、科学划分党内整体利益和个体利益等四个条件。党内和谐是一个系统工程,应从两个层次和五个方面评价党内的和谐局面。党内和谐具有凝聚、激励、整合、交流和稳定的功能。     

National separation,controlled co-operation: how state-socialist elites communicated economic openings

This article describes how official journalists in the state-socialist dictatorships communicated economic co-operation with the West to the domestic audience. It discusses the hypothesis of West–East transfers causing a structural differentiation of the official spheres of state socialism regarding the issue of European co-operation and integration. Both a legacy of Stalinist narratives and rigid media control hampered a consistent explanation of East–West co-operation. Ultimately, growing ambivalence in the official public sphere undermined the legitimacy of state-socialist rule.     

民族整合与文化认同:努尔哈赤汉人“恩养”政策

努尔哈赤在起兵统一东北地区的过程中,对汉人实行"拒敌者杀之,不与敌者勿妄杀"的政策:即对据城不降的汉人实行野蛮、残忍的屠杀政策;对归降的汉人实行"恩养"政策,并以严法打击女真人侵犯汉人生命、财物和妇女贞洁等事件。在"恩养"的同时,汉人也被吸纳到后金的政权建设之中,承担起地方治理、教习"军令法纪"和传播中原文化的责任,随之而来的则是中原文化中"孝悌"之道、为政以德和惩恶扬善对努尔哈赤等女真人的影响。而随着女真人对中原文化认同的加深,民族之间的整合也在曲折中前进。     

Introduction: writing the contemporary history of European solidarity

Abstract

This introduction outlines the possibilities and perspectives of a history of ‘European solidarity’. While – given the high frequency with which the term is used in contemporary political debate – this is most certainly a hot-button issue, the topic has long been neglected by researchers on the history of European integration and European ideas. The reasons for this lack of empirical studies lie in the vagueness and the normativity of the term. This introduction thus conceptualizes ‘European solidarity’ as an analytical tool for research and discusses three major approaches to its historicization: first, deconstructing ideas and discursive notions of ‘European solidarity’, a term that has been omnipresent in primary sources in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; second, investigating concrete practices of ‘European solidarity’, for example in welfare-state policies or in the work of civil-society actors; third, looking at historical limits of ‘European solidarity’ which help to bring contesting perceptions and motives into view. Finally, the introduction addresses the question of the analytical benefits of a history of ‘European solidarity’: it points among other things to new periodizations that help to avoid a teleological orientation in European historiography, as well as to the detachment of the European integration process from the institutionalization of the European Communities.     

Appeals for European solidarity as calls for colonial violence: British and German public debates around 1900

Abstract

While recent scholarship has emphasized the role of the colonial experience in the development of the idea of Europe and European integration, notions of European solidarity in the age of imperialism have largely been ignored. This paper investigates the specific context in which journalists and politicians voiced such pleas for solidarity, explores the motivations for them, and probes their limits in times of tension. A closer look at the actors involved illustrates the strictures placed on ideas of European solidarity and illuminates the limited potential of projects of integration prior to 1914. However, latter considerations notwithstanding, a discourse on European solidarity in a colonial context did emerge in the decades before the First World War, allowing early proponents of integration to view colonialism as a field for common European action.     

Extranational spaces and the disruption of national boundaries: Turkish immigrant media and claims against the state in 1980s West Germany

After the 1980 coup that shook Turkey and almost twenty years after the bilateral ‘guest worker’ treaty shifted Germany's demographic make‐up, West German policy makers proposed increasingly restrictive regulations on the ‘guest workers’ who had heavily contributed to West Germany's economy. In this crucial historical moment, Turkish‐language newspapers, published in West Germany, created a politically motivated extranational public sphere in which they launched claims against both the West German and Turkish states. These claims shaped immigration and integration policy between the two countries, fostered diasporic activism and cross‐national religious and political organisations and gave rise to a variety of unexpected organisational outcomes that continue to impact both Germany and the Turkish Republic.     

Political Regulation and the Strategic Production of Space: The European Union as a Post‐Fordist State Spatial Project

This article addresses the spatial differentiation of statehood in the process of European integration, looking at its consequences for the reorganization of political rule. First, we elaborate our theoretical foundations resting in materialist theories of the state. It is argued that hitherto analytical approaches have hardly been able to systematically integrate the societal generation of space. This shortcoming is addressed by drawing on theories of space discussed in radical geography. Second, we trace the spatial transformation of statehood in the EU. Our assertion is that the latter is characterized by the emergence of a multi‐scalar ensemble of state apparatuses. Finally, we discuss the implications of this transformation for the reproduction of domination. We assume that the multi‐scalar form of statehood offers a significant basis for the emergence of authoritarian forms of politics in the EU. At the same time, social conflicts over the political design of the EU are intensifying.     

The Unruly Buffer Zone

This article discusses the province of Ingria, part of Sweden from 1617 until 1704, and its position in the Swedish Kingdom in the late 17th century. The main purpose is to examine how Sweden implemented its centralization and unification policy in Ingria and what reactions it triggered at the local level. Court records and other administrative documents have been used as source material. Ingria was a borderland that was primarily of military importance for Sweden as a buffer zone against Russia. A strong defence was also essential in order to secure the profitable Russian transit trade, in which the Ingrian towns of Narva and Nyen played a pivotal role. Sweden’s centralization and unification policy, which peaked in the middle of the 1680s, aimed particularly at strengthening its military presence in Ingria. Resources were obtained by confiscating fiefs and later privatizing the administration of manors, to be handled by leaseholders. Tax farming resulted in peasant unrest, and eventually the Crown had to regulate the taxation. Ultimately, the Crown was not strong enough to carry out a coherent integration policy. Ingria remained a borderland province that formed a link between the core areas of Sweden and the Baltic provinces.