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71.
教师必须合理使用教材,灵活运用电教、多媒体等教学手段,在课堂上充分调动学生学习的积极性,使学生在轻松、愉悦中获取知识。 相似文献
72.
A potential explanation for the U.S. urban-rural political divide is a definition of rural consciousness comprised of three subdimensions: a feeling that ruralites are underrepresented in decision-making (“Representation”) and that their way of life is disrespected (“Way of Life”) – both symbolic concerns – and a more materialistic concern that rural areas receive less resources (“Resources”). However, it is unclear whether these different aspects of rural consciousness predict expected political preferences nationally, or whether they uniquely explain these preferences when evaluated alongside similar symbolic concepts like rural identity and moral traditionalism. We expect symbolic concerns (especially Way of Life) to particularly predict rural support for Donald Trump, Republican partisanship, and conservative ideology. Using a novel survey measure developed and tested across three original survey data sets, we find that only the symbolic subdimensions of rural consciousness positively and significantly correlate with Trump support, while the material subdimension either negatively correlates with Trump support or is not statistically significant. A similar tendency occurs when predicting symbolic ideology, except when controlling for moral traditionalism. Rural consciousness and its subdimensions do not significantly predict partisanship. These relationships hold for all respondents and for rural-only respondents. We conclude that rural consciousness may matter politically along symbolic dimensions, rather than materialistic grievances, for recent anti-establishment political support as opposed to standard left-right measures. We recommend that survey analyses of rural consciousness should separately analyze symbolic and materialistic aspects. Future studies should further investigate traditionalism vis-a-vis rural consciousness and explore non-rural people high in rural consciousness. 相似文献
73.
Dong Zhao 《The American review of Canadian studies》2013,43(2):161-176
This article reads Alice Munro’s “Material” as a staging of the failure of its narrator’s voice and understanding. Her failure exposes the limits of the mind to understand and language to represent, but it does so within a complex aesthetic structure that obliquely asserts the value of literature. This aesthetically realist story displays a deconstructive ethics that shows Munro working toward a literature free from phallogocentrism and pushing at the limits of logos itself. “Material” exposes the ethical risk and the power of writing, as well as the significance of that which lies beyond its ability to express. 相似文献
74.
改革开放以来,中国农民的政治参与意识与日俱增,并逐渐形成了制度化、非制度化及冷漠型等三种政治参与心理。形成这些心理的原因有经济困境与利益追求博弈、城乡二元结构的体制阻碍、传统政治文化的消极影响等。优化当前中国农民政治参与心理,必须发展农村经济、改善农民奈件;建立健全和完善农民政治参与制度;发展农村教育事业,提高农民文化素质。 相似文献
75.
川端康成的早期作品由于自传性较强,经常作为研究的资料被引用,而作品本身的某些蕴含却很少成为研究的对象,即如早期流露在这些作品中的对死亡的抗拒意识没有受到足够的重视。超越死亡的意识可以说贯穿了川端康成的整个创作生涯,如果忽略了川端康成早期作品中的对死亡的抗拒意识,便会从整体上影响对川端康成及其作品的认识。 相似文献
76.
Dongjie Wang 《Frontiers of History in China》2006,1(3):449-475
From the late Qing Dynasty to the Republican period, there was a transition on the understanding of the relationship between
China as a state and its localities. Local and national consciousness generally supported each other but were in conflict
at times. In this essay the author intends to explore the reasons and influences of the Sichuan people’s criticism of the
Chuanxing suoji (Rambling Notes on Sichuan) letter written by Chen Hengzhe, and analyze the interplay between local and national consciousness in the early days when
the Nanjing government controlled Sichuan. The uproar caused by the article also showed the gap between mainstream intellectuals
and peripheral intellectuals.
__________
Translated from: Sichuan Daxue Xuebao Zhexue Shehui Kexue Ban 四川大学学报: 哲学社会科学版 (Journal of Sichuan University, Social Science Edition), No.1, 2004 相似文献
77.
78.
CLAUDIO FOGU 《History and theory》2009,48(2):103-121
What is a “historical” video game, let alone a successful one? It is difficult to answer this question because all our definitions of history have been constructed in a linear‐narrative cultural context that is currently being challenged and in large part displaced by digital media, especially video games. I therefore consider this question from the point of view of historical semantics and in relation to the impact of digital technology on all aspects of the historiographical operation, from the establishment of digital archives, to the production of e‐texts, to the digital remediation of visual modes of historical representation. Seen from this dual perspective, video games appear to participate in a process of spatialization and virtualization of historical semantics. In the first place, video games have begun to detach the notion of history from its double reference to the past and to the real—“what essentially happened”—that it had acquired at the end of the eighteenth century. Second, they also challenge the semiotic production of “historic events” that has characterized the construction of modern historical consciousness. Historical video games, in other words, replace representation with simulation and presence with virtuality, thereby marginalizing the oscillation of the modern historical imagination between historical facts and historic events, transcendence and immanence, representation and presence. Although digital reworkings of historical semantics have not produced any grammatical transformation of the signifier, history—nor does this essay propose one—I do argue that the impact of video games on our contemporary historic(al) culture is of paradigmatic proportions similar to those described by Reinhart Koselleck for the dawn of the modern age. Focusing on one of the most successful contemporary video games, Sid Meier's Civilization, I show how the remediation of cinematic genres by video games is pushing the processes of de‐temporalization and de‐referentialization of history toward the formation of a new notion of the historical that may be conceptualized as the inversion of the classic Aristotelian paradigm: history has replaced poetry and philosophy as the realm of the possible. 相似文献
79.
改革开放以来,党的忧患意识经历了三次历史性跨越。第一次跨越是邓小平对社会主义前途和命运的忧患意识。第二次跨越是江泽民对中国共产党执政地位的忧患意识,第三次跨越是胡锦涛要求全党必须进一步增强忧患意识。回顾改革开放以来我们党的忧患意识的发展历程,总结改革开放以来党的忧患意识的传承经验,对于全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程具有重要的理论和实践意义。 相似文献
80.
Martin Jones Gordon MacLeod† 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》2004,29(4):433-452
Amid the globalization of economic life and a myriad of powerful challenges to Westphalian traditions of political statehood, it is now routinely contended that regions are 'in resurgence'. Nonetheless, much of the debate on this purported regional renaissance is bedevilled by confusion over what scholars and activists mean by regions and an analogous mystification as to why some regions are 'successful', 'lagging' or 'different'. Our paper aims to instil some coherence to this debate by distinguishing between what we term regional spaces and spaces of regionalism . It then draws on this distinction to explore the institutionalization of England's South West region, highlighting some tensions which prevail over its economic future, its political representation, its territorial shape and cultural vernacular. In undertaking this, we demonstrate how the formation of any given regional map is reflective – and indeed constitutive – of an unevenly developing, often overlapping and superimposing mosaic of economic practices, political mobilizations, cultural performances and institutional accomplishments. This prompts us to question the currently fashionable inclination to fully jettison a scalar and/or territorial approach to the theory and practice of spatiality in favour of relational/topological/non-territorial approaches. 相似文献