Canadian geopolitical culture: Climate change and sustainability

Considering recent formulations of geopolitical culture in combination with concerns that environmental change be included in contemporary geopolitical analysis, this paper examines the implicit geopolitical formulations in recent Canadian federal political discourse both in Stephen Harper's Conservative government and the subsequent Liberal administration. Contrasting earth system science ideas about global transformations with Canadian nationalist rhetoric concerning petroleum production and notions of unlimited resource extraction as parts of national identity sharply highlights the contours of Canadian identity. If sustainability is to be taken seriously, the official nationalist formulation will have to be drastically changed, but as the widespread rejection of the LEAP manifesto suggests, such ideas of a sustainable mode of globalization have yet to substantially influence Canadian political discourse, despite the rhetorical support offered to the Paris Agreement on Climate Change by the Liberal government of Justin Trudeau.     

The Effectiveness of Voluntary Environmental Programs—A Policy at a Crossroads?

Voluntary environmental programs (VEPs) have been used as a policy tool in the United States since the early 1990s and come in many forms. Early assessments of VEPs targeting changes in production processes showed that industrial participants improved their environmental performance and VEPs were celebrated as a viable alternative to more traditional regulation. Recent analyses using more sophisticated techniques, however, paint a less favorable picture. On the one hand, firms appear willing to sign up to VEPs, and in some cases, participants may be able to create a shield against future losses in shareholder value. On the other hand, these VEPs targeting production processes appear not to generate significant pollution abatement. The latter finding is particularly disturbing and this article discusses various explanations, including institutional failure and participant motivations. Future research needs to focus on understanding the firm motivation to invest in production‐related pollution abatement under a VEP. For policymakers, the research offers a warning on the limited impact to date of VEPs targeting production processes. However, the multitude of other VEPs, such as those which target new product development and changing market demands, merit a closer look to determine the overall potential of VEPs to engender positive environmental change.     

民国文官制度的独特创制

在中国古代,主要是通过科举制度选拔国家官员。科举制度废除后,孙中山主张在五权宪法的框架之中,由国家设置考试院,主管文官的选拔、任用和考绩。这一创新的理论实践于民国时期。在民国时期,文官考试制度开始运作和完善,其中的特种考试和检定考试是我国的独特创制。文官的任用、考绩、升调、奖惩、抚恤等制度称作文官"铨叙"制度,与文官考试制度相辅相成。文官"铨叙"制度最为规范,也是我国的独特创制。     

安定战略与南唐方镇体制的崩解

南唐方镇在许多方面都发生了重要变化,这些变化引发了方镇体制军事特质的丧失,因此南唐方镇的体制实际上已不再是原先的军政体制,而是一种新的民政体制。决定南唐方镇体制崩解的根本因素是安定战略。五代十国时期是一个特别值得重视的在政治体制方面发生变化的关键时期。     

从引文分析看大陆华侨华人研究——基于CSSCI（1998-2005）的研究

以中国社会科学引文索引(CSSCI)为操作平台,以核心作者群的被引论著为样本,对样本篇数、篇次、作者、机构、地域分布、主题分布、年代分布等因素进行了引文分析和量化的描述,并从文献的角度对大陆华侨华人研究现状进行评估。结果表明:大陆华侨华人研究1993—2002年是高峰期,形成了以福建、北京、广东为主的核心作者群,高等院校仍是华侨华人研究的主要机构,研究主题以经济、社会、历史为主,学术论文的利用率不高,高水平的研究成果不多。华侨华人研究在学术界的整体影响力不大,某些不够科学和规范的引证态度和方法亟需改进。     

宋代羁縻州"虚像"及其制度问题

宋代承袭唐代的羁縻州制度,但发生了许多变化。部分"羁縻州"入宋以来就本不存在,部分"羁縻州"在北宋两次"开边"之后也不复存在,史籍辗转相承,不一定可靠,是一种扩大了的"虚像"。若用宋人赵升所言"受本朝官封,而时有进贡者,本朝悉为羁縻州"的标准来衡量,宋代的羁縻州制度是残缺不全的。     

民国时期公务员(文官)考铨制度研究述评

民国时期开始实行且步履艰难的公务员(文官)考铨制度,历经北京政府、南京政府和抗日战争的动荡,成为民国时期行政管理体制近代化的重要标志.伴随着制度性建设的日益完善和具体实践上的相对混乱,这一时期公务员(文官)考铨制度在理论与实践上的得与失,为后人留下了宝贵遗产.近年来,史学界对这一问题的探讨日益重视,取得了一系列的成果.     

规制缓和、结构调整与竞争效率——中日韩电力体制改革比较

本文以中国、日本、韩国电力体制改革实践为比较对象,从改革的起点、目标的选择、引入竞争的方式、电力监管、电力民营化、改革的成效几个角度进行了分析,力求得到一些对深化中国电力市场化改革有意义的启示。     

明治旧民法典的编纂及其特点

明治旧民法典是日本近代法制建设的重要一页,虽然其未被实施,但是,从明治旧民法典编纂过程来看,它是近代日本实现民族独立和社会发展的需要,对近代日本法律体制的形成有深远的影响。     

试论日本古代国家官僚制度

五位以上的有位贵族依据"官位相当制",在官僚机构内部担任高官,并在服制即朝服和礼服方面与六位以下官人相区别。有位贵族在政治、经济、法律和受教育方面具有很大的特权,享有一系列的优惠待遇。官人的出身资格大体分为五位以上官人的子孙的荫子孙、六、七、八位官人之子的位子和除此之外的白丁三种。荫位制,是五位以上的有位贵族子孙的主要出身之路。日本的学校与官吏出身制度的联系不是很密切,日本的学校的功能与其说是培养任用官吏的机构,不如说是在培养专家的同时,以使五位以上贵族子孙广泛了解经学为目的的一种经学传播机构。