1995-2005年越南堤岸华族状况的演变

在以前研究结果的基础上,通过实地调查的方法,本文分析了受访家庭于1995—2005年间在经济和认同方面的演变情况。结果显示,华人族群规模正在逐渐缩小;族群间通婚的数量增加;来自台湾、香港、新加坡和柬埔寨的华人在经济活动中十分活跃;华族聚居区的总体情况与国家经济改善的大趋势一致,但财富增长的分布不平均;华人在经济、文化、教育等方面作出了积极提高社会地位的努力。由此得出结论,华人社区在越南经济活动中发挥了重要作用,华族在经济和认同方面的集中化进程正在加速。     

越南华裔在美国的生存与适应

根据散落于相关研究文献和数据中有关越南华裔的资料,对1975年以后华裔逃离越南并定居美国的历史过程、生活适应、地位获得和族群认同等方面的大致状况作一个梳理,旨在加强越南华裔问题研究。结果表明,两次移民潮中,抵达美国的越南华裔难民约30-50万人,寻找亲人、取得族裔社区的支持和族裔聚居区的形成成为应对政府分散安置政策的方案;文化适应与经济成就落后于越南裔,但近20多年来取得了一些值得称道的成就;其族群认同建构于以共同的原居住地、居住国为背景和多元文化的基础之上。结论是,越南华裔还没有完全融入其他美国华裔之中,而是形成了一个既认同于美国华裔、又与越南裔有一定联系的相对独立的华人“次族群”。     

宁夏回族社区空间结构特征及其变迁

本文论述了地理学研究社区的主体内容为:社区的空间结构及人地关系的变化对社区发展和社区建设的影响,重点探讨了宁夏回族农村和城市社区空间结构的基本特征,并对社区空间结构的变迁态势和变迁过程进行了理论和实证分析。     

春秋时期河洛地区少数民族研究

春秋时期是河洛地区民族融合的重要历史时期,这里的少数民族以戎、狄为代表,分布在以黄河为中轴线的山地丘陵地区,这些少数民族的生活条件恶劣,大多仍处于游牧阶段。其与诸侯国的关系是和、战并存。二之间安和局面的出现既有诸侯国为了自身的需要而利用少数民族为其争霸服务,也有少数民族依附于某一强大诸侯国以求得庇护的因素。其衰亡既有自身不适应社会发展需要的原因,也有诸侯国统一战争的必然。     

瓦希德政府的"华人政策"与印尼华人境况论析

本文在客观描述瓦希德政府处理华人问题的现状以及当今印尼华人及其社会的政治、文化境况的基础上,论析了瓦希德政府尚未能提出一套人道的、平等的华人政策以及印尼华人及其社会之政治、文化境况尚未彻底改善的原因;揭示了在后苏哈托时代里一套人道的、平等的华人政策的制定和实施,以及印及华人政治、文化境况的彻底改善,还将是一个复杂的、漫长的过程;讨论了印尼华人在这一进程中所面对的问题及其解决的途径与方法.     

中国对印尼外交政策中对华人问题的考虑(1965-1997年)

1965年至1997年是苏哈托真正控制印尼的32年,其间中国与印尼外交关系起起落落.双边关系的冷热都折射出各自内部政治经济形势的变化.从中国对印尼外交政策来说,对印尼华人问题的考虑可分为三个阶段,包括改革开放前的冒进与偏激(1965-1979年);推动复交前的平和与务实(1980-1990年)以及复交后的淡化与消退(1990-1997年).对印尼华人问题的考虑在中国外交政策中经过阶段性的改变和调整,直至脱钩,既是为赢得印尼的信任,也符合中国的国家利益.     

Identity construction and ‘coincidental’ entrepreneurship among gay Filipino guesthouse owners in Amsterdam

This article centralizes gay Filipino entrepreneurs in the guesthouse industry in the city of Amsterdam, drawing on the narratives and trajectories of five of them. The article highlights the common threads of experiences of these immigrant entrepreneurs, as these provide interesting insights into the processes of their identity (re)construction and social embedding in the Netherlands and the role of their entrepreneurial involvement in these processes. In addition, the article describes how they relate to their home country, the wider Filipino community in the Netherlands, and the wider Dutch gay community. It will be shown that these experiences and relations sit uneasily with established positions in debates on home and belonging within transnational migration studies and queer studies, notably the idea that moving to western countries of destination cannot be treated as equivalent to moving to ‘queer cultural homelands.’ In addition, the article shows that immigrant entrepreneurship does not revolve around ethnicity per se in the sense that entrepreneurial practices cannot be understood separately from other identity forming structures such as sexuality and class.     

Policy entrepreneurs and promotion of Australian state knowledge economies

Policy entrepreneurs seek to shift the status quo in given areas of public policy. In doing so, they work closely with others, and their activities call for high levels of political skill. This article examines the actions of policy entrepreneurs who promoted the development of knowledge economies in two Australian states: Queensland and Victoria. During the past two decades, national and sub-national governments around the world have sought to nurture knowledge economies within their borders. Our analysis of knowledge economy advocacy improves understanding of how specific individuals – as strategic team builders – can promote major policy change. This focus on team work and coalition-building as central elements of the process of policy entrepreneurship offers a corrective to some earlier studies that inappropriately conferred lone hero status to policy entrepreneurs.

政策企业家们试图改变公共政策特定领域内的现状。在这个过程中,他们与他人密切合作,他们的活动呼唤高水平的政治技巧。本文考察了政策企业家在澳大利亚的昆士兰和维多利亚两个州促进知识经济的行动。在过去二十年里,世界各地国家以及次国家政府都想在自己的版图内培育知识经济。我们对知识经济促进情况的分析有助于更好地理解何以某些个人如战略团队的建设者们可以促成重要的战略转变。本文聚焦团队工作以及联盟建设,将其视为政策企业家活动的核心因素。这样一种视角是对以往过分强调个人英雄的一种修正。     

Democracy,nationalism and (lack of) sovereignty: the complex dynamics of democratisation in unrecognised states†

ABSTRACT. Unrecognised states are among the least likely candidates for democratisation: they tend to be driven by ethno‐nationalism, many are marked by the legacy of war and most are facing international isolation. Nevertheless, the claim to democracy has become a central part of their legitimising narrative. This article examines this apparent paradox and finds that neither ethno‐nationalism nor non‐recognition represents insurmountable barriers to democratisation. However, what we tend to find in these entities is a form of stagnated ‘ethnic democratisation’. These findings throw new light on the relationship between democracy and nationalism; they highlight the importance of (lack of) sovereignty; and they are used to evaluate Sammy Smooha's concept of ‘ethnic democracy’.     

Ethnic demography of western siberia At the end of the 20th century

This article presents data and analysis, summarizing the materials of the general censuses, mainly of 1989 and 2002. Special attention is paid to the dynamics of demographic composition and linguistic processes among the indigenous peoples of Western Siberia. The size and the distribution of 38 ethnic groups belonging to the multinational environment of the former USSR (with a size of not less than one thousand people) are presented for every region of Western Siberia (from the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District to the Altai Republic). Different patterns of distribution, clusters of territories with similar ethnic composition, shares of indigenous, migrant non-Russian, and ethnic Russian population in each region are reported. At the end of the 20th century, the most remote territories of the Far North (Yamal) and the mountainous region of the Altai show the greatest specifi city.