宁夏回族社区空间结构特征及其变迁

本文论述了地理学研究社区的主体内容为:社区的空间结构及人地关系的变化对社区发展和社区建设的影响,重点探讨了宁夏回族农村和城市社区空间结构的基本特征,并对社区空间结构的变迁态势和变迁过程进行了理论和实证分析。     

春秋时期河洛地区少数民族研究

春秋时期是河洛地区民族融合的重要历史时期,这里的少数民族以戎、狄为代表,分布在以黄河为中轴线的山地丘陵地区,这些少数民族的生活条件恶劣,大多仍处于游牧阶段。其与诸侯国的关系是和、战并存。二之间安和局面的出现既有诸侯国为了自身的需要而利用少数民族为其争霸服务,也有少数民族依附于某一强大诸侯国以求得庇护的因素。其衰亡既有自身不适应社会发展需要的原因,也有诸侯国统一战争的必然。     

瓦希德政府的"华人政策"与印尼华人境况论析

本文在客观描述瓦希德政府处理华人问题的现状以及当今印尼华人及其社会的政治、文化境况的基础上,论析了瓦希德政府尚未能提出一套人道的、平等的华人政策以及印尼华人及其社会之政治、文化境况尚未彻底改善的原因;揭示了在后苏哈托时代里一套人道的、平等的华人政策的制定和实施,以及印及华人政治、文化境况的彻底改善,还将是一个复杂的、漫长的过程;讨论了印尼华人在这一进程中所面对的问题及其解决的途径与方法.     

中国对印尼外交政策中对华人问题的考虑(1965-1997年)

1965年至1997年是苏哈托真正控制印尼的32年,其间中国与印尼外交关系起起落落.双边关系的冷热都折射出各自内部政治经济形势的变化.从中国对印尼外交政策来说,对印尼华人问题的考虑可分为三个阶段,包括改革开放前的冒进与偏激(1965-1979年);推动复交前的平和与务实(1980-1990年)以及复交后的淡化与消退(1990-1997年).对印尼华人问题的考虑在中国外交政策中经过阶段性的改变和调整,直至脱钩,既是为赢得印尼的信任,也符合中国的国家利益.     

Identity construction and ‘coincidental’ entrepreneurship among gay Filipino guesthouse owners in Amsterdam

This article centralizes gay Filipino entrepreneurs in the guesthouse industry in the city of Amsterdam, drawing on the narratives and trajectories of five of them. The article highlights the common threads of experiences of these immigrant entrepreneurs, as these provide interesting insights into the processes of their identity (re)construction and social embedding in the Netherlands and the role of their entrepreneurial involvement in these processes. In addition, the article describes how they relate to their home country, the wider Filipino community in the Netherlands, and the wider Dutch gay community. It will be shown that these experiences and relations sit uneasily with established positions in debates on home and belonging within transnational migration studies and queer studies, notably the idea that moving to western countries of destination cannot be treated as equivalent to moving to ‘queer cultural homelands.’ In addition, the article shows that immigrant entrepreneurship does not revolve around ethnicity per se in the sense that entrepreneurial practices cannot be understood separately from other identity forming structures such as sexuality and class.     

Democracy,nationalism and (lack of) sovereignty: the complex dynamics of democratisation in unrecognised states†

ABSTRACT. Unrecognised states are among the least likely candidates for democratisation: they tend to be driven by ethno‐nationalism, many are marked by the legacy of war and most are facing international isolation. Nevertheless, the claim to democracy has become a central part of their legitimising narrative. This article examines this apparent paradox and finds that neither ethno‐nationalism nor non‐recognition represents insurmountable barriers to democratisation. However, what we tend to find in these entities is a form of stagnated ‘ethnic democratisation’. These findings throw new light on the relationship between democracy and nationalism; they highlight the importance of (lack of) sovereignty; and they are used to evaluate Sammy Smooha's concept of ‘ethnic democracy’.     

Ethnic demography of western siberia At the end of the 20th century

This article presents data and analysis, summarizing the materials of the general censuses, mainly of 1989 and 2002. Special attention is paid to the dynamics of demographic composition and linguistic processes among the indigenous peoples of Western Siberia. The size and the distribution of 38 ethnic groups belonging to the multinational environment of the former USSR (with a size of not less than one thousand people) are presented for every region of Western Siberia (from the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District to the Altai Republic). Different patterns of distribution, clusters of territories with similar ethnic composition, shares of indigenous, migrant non-Russian, and ethnic Russian population in each region are reported. At the end of the 20th century, the most remote territories of the Far North (Yamal) and the mountainous region of the Altai show the greatest specifi city.     

马来西亚华人与伊斯兰党关系——吉兰丹州个案分析

伊斯兰党是马来西亚主要反对党之一,1990年以来,该党在华人只占4.43%的吉兰丹州长期执政,进行伊斯兰教国实践,其伊斯兰化政策引起朝野争议。论文介绍了伊斯兰党在吉兰丹的伊斯兰化政策,分析了基于伊斯兰党的种族理念,吉兰丹政府的华人政策和吉兰丹华人对伊斯兰党及其州政府的态度,说明坚决支持和坚决反对伊斯兰党的华人是少数,中间派是多数。伊斯兰党在吉兰丹州的执政证明,他们公正、廉洁,能够善待华人,使外州华人不再像过去那样抗拒伊斯兰党。吉兰丹模式对马来西亚其他地方马来人和华人具有示范意义。     

影响马来西亚马华两族关系的文化与政治因素

从不同的宗教信仰对马华两族的融合与通婚的阻碍、自成体系的语言与媒体对彼此沟通的影响、族群政治动员在强化族群意识方面所起的作用等文化特征和族群政治的角度,探讨了影响马华两族关系的原因。结论是:马华两族宗教信仰和语言教育的区分、马来西亚特殊的族群政治态势,是影响马华两族关系发展的几个重要因素。     

超国家民族经济网络的运营：华商大会与韩商大会的比较分析

选择华商与韩商大会作为个案,运用比较研究的方法,对华商网络与韩商网络的运营机制及其特征进行了阐述和分析。韩商大会与华商大会是两个最具规模的离线网络协力系统,在强化网络成员之间的联系与沟通乃至在构筑民族共同体方面具有十分重要的意义。两个大会在会议周期、运营体系和世界性影响力方面又具有很大差异。