Constructing and practicing feminist pedagogy in Taiwan using a field study of the Twenty-Five Ladies Tomb

Drawing on theories of space, gender, and participatory learning, central concepts in feminist pedagogy, the author designed a university-level general-education course that took the Twenty-Five Ladies Tomb in southern Taiwan as the focus of a field study and class discussion. This local gendered site, which commemorates a 1973 ferry accident that killed 25 unmarried young women working in Kaohsiung, raises issues about patriarchy in Taiwan, gender inequities in traditional Han customs, and women's labor. The course relied on guided class discussions and focus-group discussions, culminating in a visit to the site. Face to face with the researched, the author not only built an inclusive and supportive relationship with students in the classroom, but also put her researcher's reflexivity into teaching practice. Research results indicate that the freedom of the class discussion format succeeded in breaking down the logic of binary opposition that accompanies the traditional gender duality of male/female. Avoiding a top-down teaching style also minimized students' resistance to perspectives emphasizing gender equality.     

Peering in from the window ledge of the Union: the Anglo-Irish Agreement and the attempt to bring British Conservatism to Northern Ireland

In this article I examine one particular way in which the Anglo-Irish Agreement redefined unionist politics in the late 1980s. While the operation of “direct rule” had drawn the unionist middle classes ever closer to Britain in economic and cultural terms, it had also left them in a precarious position politically. The nature and scale of this political subservience was brought home dramatically in 1985 when the British government signed an international agreement giving the Dublin government the right to be consulted on Northern Irish affairs. In the period of political flux summoned by the Hillsborough Accord, elements of the unionist middle classes were drawn to the previously marginal ideas of a small leftist organisation that argued for the British political parties to organise in the region. Given the material interests and social conservatism of those attracted to it, the call for “equal citizenship” would inevitably take the form primarily of a movement seeking to bring British Conservatism to Northern Ireland.     

Edna O'Brien and narrative diaspora space

Given the persistent presence of migration in the work of Edna O'Brien, it is surprising how marginal a theme it is in critiques of her work. This article explores how questions of diaspora have reached a renewed level of depth and intensity in her novel The Light of Evening (2006) and the related short story ‘My Two Mothers’ (2011). Looking, in particular, at how letters play a central role in the relationships of three generations of Irish women across three countries, it analyses how issues of mother(land), diaspora and belonging are mediated through migrant fiction. It draws on the work of Avtar Brah and Paul Ricoeur to argue that, along with related forms of textuality within O'Brien's oeuvre, letters represent a ‘narrative diaspora space’ which illuminates the relationship between mothers, daughters and writing in Irish migrant experience.     

试论清末民初大众媒体对女子学校教育的影响

清末至民初各种大众媒体关注女子解放问题,不仅全方位抨击当时为女子学校教育兴起造成困难的缠足风俗,帮助广大妇女解放双足,并积极报道西方女子的学校教育情况,大力提倡新式女学,为女子学校宣传助威,还利用舆论的力量逐步推进女子学校教育的合法化、正规化。大众媒体的宣传为女子教育的发展奠定了基础和铺平了道路,对女子学校的教育影响巨大而深远。     

侗年文化探析与开发利用

侗年是国家级非物质文化遗产名录,其传说众多,内容丰富,内涵厚重,仪式多姿,特色鲜明,并具有历史沿袭的悠久性、文化性格的复合性、文化形式的多彩性、活动时间的延长性、活动区域的宽广性等特征。本文从田野调查入手,以时代的视角与理念,对侗年的诸多文化现象进行了系统梳理与阐释剖析,并结合湘黔桂鄂侗族地区经济社会的发展提出了对侗年文化资源进行整合、传承、保护和开发利用的对策及举措。     

蒋介石与宋明理学

本文通过对《蒋介石日记》的解读与论证,从新的角度证明了“宋明理学”对蒋介石的道德取向、人格塑造及思想理念的潜在影响。     

放马滩秦地图林业交通史料研究

天水放马滩1号秦墓出土的年代为战国时期的木板地图,可以提供重要的历史文化信息,对于中国古代地图史、测量学史和地理学研究的进步各有重要意义,从中我们也可以发现反映生态环境面貌的内容。放马滩地图突出显示"材"及其"大"中"小"以及是否已"刊"等,都应理解为林业史料。有关秦人先祖"养育草木"的历史记忆,说明林业在秦早期经济形式中也曾经具有相当重要的地位。关于某种"材"运程若干"里",以及如何"道最"等与运输方式有关的信息,乃至"闭"的设置等,均体现林区交通开发的记录和导引的图示。     

Pakistan,militancy and identity: parallel struggles

This article focuses on the dominant and parallel struggles that have been carried out in Pakistan in terms of its Islamic identity since 9/11. It argues that the Pakistan government has legitimised and explained its partnership with the US government in countering terrorism through a discourse that makes use of Islamic symbols. The Islamists have engaged in a similar process, arguing for jihad against the enemies of Islam. Simultaneously, a tension has persisted between liberal/progressive and orthodox notions of being a Pakistani Muslim, which has been reflected in, for example, the debate on the blasphemy law in Pakistan. It is important that strategies to strengthen Pakistan also creatively empower groups subscribing to liberal/progressive ideas so as to succeed in the struggle against militancy in the long term. The argument is developed in three parts, starting with a discussion of opposing views on Pakistan's identity and the place of Islam as the context for the Pakistan government's participation in the War on Terror. The second part explores features of the opposing discourses adopted by Islamabad and jihadi groups. The third part discusses the parallel tensions between alternative understandings of Pakistan's Islamic identity at the societal level with reference to the blasphemy law. The concluding section suggests a carefully crafted approach to assisting Pakistan at this stage in its history that could also respond to the subordinate tensions.     

Determining the Success of Economic Sanctions

This article applies the social-network conception of national power, derived from the social-network conception of the international system structure, to economic sanctions, one of the most widely studied empirical phenomena in international relations. The empirical analyses of economic sanctions presented here find that sanctions cases with disproportional structural-network power between sender and target were far less likely to be successful and those with the target state possessing high structural-network power were far more likely to be successful. The evidence from nonparametric model discrimination statistics and information criteria measures shows that the sanctions models with new social-network power measures have greater explanatory power than or statistically outperform those with old attributional power measures, such as the Correlates of War index and GNP.

一些政治学者认为强调农业和农民的“乡村情结”越来越失去其政治和社会意义,但并没有多少实证研究支持这一说法。为此,作者就人们对农业和农民的态度做了探讨性调查。调查结果显示,人们的态度符合“乡村情结式微”论,但会因年龄、位置、出生国、投票意向而有差异。不过,仍存在一种将乡村情结归诸农民的倾向,有对农民生产方式的强烈支持、以及对农业于国家未来重要性的坚信。令人惊奇的是,与过去三十年的市场自由主义相左,对政府之扶助农业的支持可谓强烈。     

Theory and Practice As Responsibility

Abstract

Ralph Hancock's felicitous term “the responsibility of reason” opens a significant revision within political theory. It places primacy in practical reason and reminds us that theory is itself a mode of practice. He finds the deepest affirmation of this insight in Tocqueville's elevation of the art of association into the first principle of the science by which politics is comprehended. There is no science of politics apart from the exercise of responsibility itself.