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81.
82.
This article presents two arguments. The first relates to the relevance of citizen participation vis-à-vis the design and implementation of public policy. More specifically, the article empirically demonstrates how a model of community decentralisation can have a number of practical benefits for crisis-management policy. The second argument relates to a question that has come to characterise studies of citizen participation in public policy. Why is it that there is so much rhetoric in support of participation but so little action in terms of the day-to-day realities of policy implementation? We place this question in a crisis-management context so that we might ask: why is it that crisis-management systems built around the principles of community resilience continue to fail on these very grounds? We find our answer to this question in state-centric governance settings which devolve authority, but do not relinquish it.

本文提出两个观点。第一个观点涉及公民参与对于公共政策设计和实施的意义。具体地说,本文用实证的方法说明社区分权模式如何对危机管理政策产生一系列实际效益。第二个观点涉及公民参与公共政策的问题:为什么对公民参与口头上不吝支持,而日常政策的实施上却不见动静?这个问题可以放在危机管理的语境中重新提问:为什么围绕着社区弹性原则的危机管理体系仍以这样的理由失效?我们的答案是:以政府为中心的治理环境虽然转移但并未放弃权威。  相似文献   
83.
Risa Whitson 《对极》2011,43(4):1404-1433
Abstract: This article focuses on debates over the place and value of waste and waste scavengers in Buenos Aires during and following the economic crisis of 2002 in order to consider how waste functions as a fundamental category for organizing social space. I argue that conceptualizations of waste as both zero value and “matter out of place” need to be combined with a recognition of the commodity potential of waste in order to better understand how waste works to constitute social structures and space. I demonstrate that while the displacement of waste and waste scavengers associated with the crisis opened a space for the transformation of established social relations, in ongoing negotiations, waste continues to be defined as that which belongs elsewhere and is of no value, reinforcing the marginalization of garbage scavengers.  相似文献   
84.
Since the arrival, or the attempted arrival, of millions of refugees in Europe, the performances of the Center for Political Beauty – a Berlin-based collective of artists and activists – have had a huge impact on public and political debates about Germany's migration policies. In this paper, I analyze the performance “The Dead Are Coming” in which the artists buried refugees who drowned in their attempt to enter the European Union. Drawing on Judith Butler's political philosophy of performativity, I assess “The Dead Are Coming” as a “doing” rather than a “describing” of dignity. I argue that the integration of God into the practices of mourning enables both the activists and the audience to resist the differential distribution of dignity in Europe's migration policy. Ultimately, I advocate a re-thinking of political theology in which art learns from theology and theology learns from art in order to promote dignity under de-dignifying conditions.  相似文献   
85.
Despite the popularity of student and graduate migration as research topics, mobility decision-making among tertiary educated youth is relatively neglected, resulting in under-appreciation of the complexity of this process. This article seeks to overcome this shortcoming through taking a reflexive view, recognising the significance of personal considerations alongside economic motives as potential mobility drivers. Evidence is drawn from a survey of 400 undergraduates aged 25 and under conducted in Dublin during 2014, with results illustrating anticipated destinations, durations of stays abroad and the bearing of the economic crisis. Using logistic regression, the influence of a range of subjective level factors is explored in relation to different mobility choices. This analysis leads towards a concluding summary that posits a reflexive view on student and graduate mobility decision-making, illustrated with qualitative case study evidence.  相似文献   
86.
Crisis narratives surrounding Europe’s 2015 migration influx fuelled demands for new ways of tracking, mapping and predicting human mobility. We explore how market opportunities for technology firms and data analytics start-ups created by the EU’s Global Approach to Migration led to solutionistic approaches to compiling and analysing migration statistics. We show that initiatives such as the rebranding of existing platforms and services as migration prediction systems are consolidating policy conceptualisations of migration as risk. Despite the promise of greater granularity, this “big data approach” cannot offer greater certainty about who is on the move and why. Instead such approaches are ill-suited to understanding the complex dynamics of migration and to offering protection to vulnerable people. The marketisation of migration statistics through big data offers a key case for advancing progressive approaches to both migration statistics and global data justice.  相似文献   
87.
刘晨 《史学集刊》2020,(1):72-87
江南是太平天国建立较稳定统治并有力推行各项政策方略的地区。太平天国政府作为该区域的政治实体,在应对社会危机和基层社会治理方面均有不同程度的尝试和努力,主要采取了“应变十策”,旨在完成由“打天下”向“坐天下”执政理念的转型。但因主客观条件限制,太平天国应对社会危机的成效不大,调控社会秩序的预期没有实现;但某些地区的太平天国地方当局在内忧外患的非常时期,仍能于社会建设领域有所建树,所以过去认为太平天国“重立不重建”的政权建设惯性也仅是相对而言的。政府调控和应对社会危机的政略实践,还是国家统治技术和社会战略的体现。太平天国的社会战略展现了太平天国时期国家与社会关系的特殊实态。我们发现太平天国的政治权力以较为积极的姿态向乡村社会渗透,不同于该时期绅权扩大的一般势态,占领区的绅权呈现被压缩的另面镜像。太平天国战争之后,清政府在重整社会秩序工作中有意识地继承江南绅权被压制的趋势,在更广范围内限制和约束绅权,激发了国家权力与地方社会的新一轮角逐,并对晚清政局产生了影响。这一视角还为我们客观理性地认知太平天国的历史地位提供了切入点,呈现了太平天国复杂多重的历史面相。  相似文献   
88.
This article analyses the disputes over images related to indigeneity and plurinationalism in the post-electoral crisis in Bolivia, focusing mainly on the realm of social media. It pays particular attention to how images such as memes, photographs, and videos produced and circulated by the movement for “democracy” opposed to Evo Morales and by sectors of the Right, project ideals of national unity based on racialised imaginaries that tend to obliterate references to plurinationalism. I also analyse the dichotomous ways in which multitudes and episodes of violence were represented by the two main sides in the conflict, such as the references to “mobs” and “hordes” versus “civic movements” and “resistance” respectively. I conclude by considering examples of promotional materials that the current interim government of President Jeanine Añez has developed since its inauguration, in order to reflect on the ways in which these display certain images of the “permitted Indian” for the national project that the social sector represented by her government is beginning to outline.  相似文献   
89.
In this article, I discuss the representation of Buenos Aires in Pizza, birra, faso. Paying attention to some of the film’s salient aspects vis-a-vis its portrayal of urban space, my analysis has as its ultimate goal to reveal the ways in which the film engages in a political critique that might seem absent if studied solely from a narrative point of view. In this sense, Pizza, birra, faso is a paradigmatic example of the ways in which many of the films of New Argentine Cinema engaged with their political context differently to films of the post-dictatorship generation. To unearth this political content, I will argue, it is necessary to study these films as films, and not merely as texts.  相似文献   
90.
文化研究的重要目的之一是探讨文化创造的可能性机制。在西方,萨义德东方学理论的提出,对于西方文化语境中东西方文化关系的反思有极其重要的现实意义,对于我们用以分析和反思以夏文化为主流的中原文化跟周边偏远地区的文化关系亦有着重要的启示意义。但由于文化背景的差异,东方学理论限于对抗性、批判性的局限,向中国的文化现实提出了创造性地创建新型文化关系理论的要求。本文从东方学理论入手,论证了“夷学”提出的理论必要性和现实性,并且论述了“夷学”与文化创造的思维模式与内在联系。  相似文献   
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