首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   104篇
  免费   5篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   5篇
  2022年   1篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   10篇
  2019年   9篇
  2018年   5篇
  2017年   4篇
  2016年   3篇
  2015年   6篇
  2014年   3篇
  2013年   29篇
  2012年   5篇
  2011年   6篇
  2010年   2篇
  2009年   3篇
  2006年   2篇
  2005年   1篇
  2004年   1篇
  2003年   1篇
  2002年   3篇
  2001年   2篇
  2000年   2篇
  1997年   1篇
  1996年   1篇
  1995年   1篇
  1984年   1篇
排序方式: 共有109条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
Globalisation, or segyehwa1 1. The system of romanisation for the South Korean language that is used in this article is the revised system proclaimed by the South Korean Ministry of Culture and Tourism in July 2000. Exceptions to the revised system are proper nouns – e.g. the names of the former presidents of South Korea and of jaebeol (chaebol) groups such as Samsung, Hyundai, Daewoo and Sunkyung. View all notes in Korean, has recently been the central theme in discussions of South Korean political economy, particularly in strategic policy-making discourses since the outbreak of the Asian financial crisis, which was triggered by the collapse of the Thai baht in 1997. The serious nature of the South Korean currency meltdown in 1997 resulted at first glance in a striking transition in the South Korean political economy from state-driven market and industrial policies, and a strong nationalist policy towards foreign capital (inflow of foreign direct investment), to a neo-liberal policy of globalisation. This article critically examines the paradoxical nature of Korea's globalisation efforts under three political regimes (February 1993–February 2008), as a response to new economic conditions embedded in the nature of developmental capitalism. The paper argues that South Korea's globalisation effort over the period has been highly pragmatic and selective in policy and regulations but has resisted embracing the principles of market-driven globalisation. South Korea's globalisation drive or segyehwa therefore appears only a temporary phenomenon rather than a carefully structured strategic policy.  相似文献   
62.
Max Counter 《对极》2018,50(1):122-141
This research theorizes Colombia's 2011 Victims’ and Land Restitution Law (the Victims’ Law) as a biopolitical program that intends to foster the lives of conflict‐affected populations through providing an array of reparation measures. Based on fieldwork with internally displaced landmine victims in Colombia's Magdalena Medio region, I highlight how the Victims’ Law constitutes the identity of which populations count as “victims” worthy of reparations, how such parameters are contested, and how landmine survivors’ sense of themselves as “victims” is mediated via their experiences with the Victims’ Law and the reparation programs it provides. In particular, I highlight the possibilities and limitations of reparation measures that hinge on small‐scale business incubation programs for landmine victims to show how a legally recognized victimhood category presupposes “self‐responsible” neoliberal subjects who must confront contexts of conflict and state neglect.  相似文献   
63.
Austin Zeiderman 《对极》2016,48(3):809-831
This article examines popular politics under precarious conditions in the rapidly expanding port‐city of Buenaventura on Colombia's Pacific coast. It begins by identifying the intersecting economic, ecological, and political forces contributing to the precarity of life in Buenaventura's intertidal zone. Focusing on conflicts over land in the waterfront settlements of Bajamar (meaning “low‐tide”), it then describes the efforts of Afro‐Colombian settlers and activists to defend their territories against threats of violence and displacement. In doing so, they must navigate historical legacies of ethno‐racial politics as well as formations of liberal governance and their multicultural and biopolitical logics of vulnerability and protection. The socio‐material conditions of the intertidal zone, and in particular the figure of submergence, are used to illuminate forms of political life in Colombia's future port‐city. The struggles of Afro‐Colombians to contest violent dispossession in Buenaventura reflect the racialized politics of precarity under late liberalism.  相似文献   
64.
Despite the growing literature on the history of European integration, scholars have not reached a general consensus on the rationale for the introduction of direct elections to the European Parliament. This review article analyses representative books and articles through three levels of analysis: the evolution of the European Community institutional framework; the role of national governments; and the contribution of European federalist movements. In doing that, the article highlights the lack of a clear synthesis and the need to investigate the role and perception of the European Parliament before its direct elections. Indeed, the controversy over direct elections demonstrates that, far from being a useless talking shop, the European Parliament was a creative institution and a target for both federalists' hopes and national governments' fears. The former considered the introduction of elections as a trigger to democratise and federalise Europe; the latter suspected to lose their power as the only depositaries of national sovereignty.  相似文献   
65.
Foreign direct investment (fdi) research on Canada has historically been centred on incoming rather than outgoing controlling capital. Yet the activities of Canada-based multinational enterprises (mne) have fostered an impressive outflow of direct investment abroad. To appreciate the importance of Canada's mne, one must understand the spatial and functional characteristics of Canadian parent companies and their foreign direct investments. To realize this goal, a sample of more than 17 000 examples of Canadian fdi (at various points in time) has been retrieved and analyzed. Spatially, the favourite target of Canadian outward fdi has been the United States and then the United Kingdom, but significant agglomerations of Canadian controlling capital can be found in many parts of the world (particularly in Western Europe, the Caribbean region, Australia, and Brazil, and in various Asian destinations). The locations of Canadian parent companies have been heavily biased toward the largest metropolitan cities. Additionally, multinational enterprises headquartered in Toronto and Montreal control (by far) the most foreign subsidiaries. In general, manufacturing, financial, and mining activities have constituted the most important endeavours of Canadian multinationals abroad. This pattern of functional emphasis, however, does vary with each specific location. Through a stepwise regression procedure, it was determined that market, trade (with Canada), labour, and crime conditions were critical place-specific criteria that affected the spatial decisions of Canadian direct investors. Par le passé, la recherche sur les investissements directs à I‘étranger (ide) du Canada a été axée sur les entrées de capital de contrôle plutôt que sur les sorties. Pourtant, les activés d'entreprises multinationales basées au Canada ont engendré“un flot impressionnant d'investissements directs à l’étranger. Pour appécier l'importance des entreprises multinationales du Canada, on doit comprendre les caractéristiques géographiques et fonctionnelles des compagnies mères canadiennes, et leurs investissements directs à l'étranger. Pour atteindre cet objectif, un échantillon de plus de 17 000 exemples de ide canadiens (à différents moments) a été choisi et analysé. Géographiquement, la cible favorite des ide canadiens vers l'extérieur a été les États-Unis, puis le Royaume-Uni, mais on retrouve d'importantes concentrations de capital de contrôle canadien en plusieurs autres parties du monde (surtout en Europe occidentale, dans la région des Caraïbes, en Australie, au Brésil etdans diverses destinations asiatiques). Pour le choix de la localisation de leurs sièges sociaux, les compagnies mères canadiennes ont nettement favorisé les plus grandes métropoles. De plus, ce sont les entreprises multinationales dont les sièges sociaux sont à Toronto et à Montréal qui gèrent la plupart (et de loin) des filiates étrangères. En général, les activités manufacturieres, financieres et minieres ont const'itue“la plus importante part des projets des multinationales canadiennes à l‘étranger. Cette tendance varie cependant selon les endroits. Par un modèle de régression, il a étéétabli que les conditions de marché, de commerce (avec le Canada), de travail et de criminalitéétaient des critères décisifs qui affectaient les choix géographiques des investisseurs canadiens. Mots-clés: investissements directs à I'étranger, entreprises multinationales du Canada  相似文献   
66.
Many women escaping domestic violence spend time in women’s refuges (shelters) whilst they deal with practical and emotional issues in a safe space. Such spaces are therefore an important place for women’s recovery and empowerment after abuse, but are also complex spaces of displacement. In the UK, there is a wide range of refuge providers, and different models of accommodation and support provision in refuges. Differences, such as those between refuges providing self-contained flats and those with communal facilities and communal activities, can provide very different experiences for the women and their children who live there. In addition, there have been shifts in the policy context of refuges, and increasingly individualistic models of service provision. This article explores women’s refuges as spaces of safety, and of more-than-safety, drawing on interviews with women in the Midlands, South Coast and London, and on participatory creative groupwork with women in the Midlands and South Coast. Refuge spaces require, but also enable, contact and encounter between women; and communal living and group processes can enable interaction and collaboration between women. The article draws on women’s words and images to exemplify these experiences, concluding that the safe spaces of women’s refuges can enable processes of more-than-safety. These collective processes begin to counteract the isolation of abuse and to help prepare women for their lives after the refuge.  相似文献   
67.
Since the early 2000s, theorizing on incremental institutional change has made inroads in comparative historical analysis. In particular, the ideas, concepts, and theory introduced by Kathleen Thelen and her collaborators have been widely adopted by scholars. These scholars are not, however, univocally positive about the theory. Three main critiques have been plaguing the theory since its early days: the concepts it builds on lack clarity, the model of agency it uses is too static, and the theory lacks analytical power overall. Following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta‐Analysis method, this article presents a meta‐analysis of the peer‐reviewed empirical literature from 2005 to 2015 that applies this theory. It seeks to better understand the reach of the critiques expressed, as this may provide a starting point for improvement. It finds considerable quantitative support for the critiques, and uncovers an additional problematic issue: the tendency for concept stretching and concept proliferation by scholars seeking to overcome the shortcomings of the theory. Paradoxically, concept stretching and proliferation only further reduce the analytical power of the theory. The article concludes with suggestions for improvement of the development and application of the theory.  相似文献   
68.
胥兴安  张梦 《人文地理》2013,28(2):32-37
旅游者抱怨问题自20世纪80年代引起国外学者关注,其研究是从消费者行为研究中派生出来的。文章对国外旅游者抱怨研究的相关文献进行了梳理,认为旅游者抱怨的制约因素及原因、内容、行为方式和管控是国外旅游者抱怨研究的四大主题,并对每一个主题进行了总结和评析,以期为国内旅游者抱怨研究和实践提供借鉴。  相似文献   
69.
Recently improved data on foreign direct economic control and foreign direct investment (FDI) are used to evaluate common perceptions of the degree of Canadian dependency. Including financial corporations in measures of foreign control yields rates of foreign control that are lower than those traditionally cited. Foreign and U.S. control in Canada declined in recent decades and only minor changes are evident since ‘free’ trade went into effect. Contrary to what is often assumed, Canada's rate of inward FDI is lower than in some advanced capitalist countries and its outward rate of FDI is higher than most G7 countries. The concentration of Canadian direct investment in the U.S. is similar to that many West European countries in the rest of Western Europe. The findings indicate that Canada is a ‘core’, not ‘dependent’ capitalist country. De récemment données améliorées sur le contrôle direct des avoirs économiques et sur les investissements directs étrangers sont utilisées pour évaluer les perceptions du contrôle économique et le degré de la dépendance économique canadienne. Sont aussi analysées, les institutions financières en termes de leur contrôle domestique et étranger. II appert que le contrôle étranger est moins important que l'on croit. Les contrôles étrangers et états‐unien de l'économie canadienne sont en déclin aux cours des dernières années. L'influence du libre échange ne semble pas être significatif. Certes, le taux interne d'investissements directs étrangers est moindre que pour d'autres économies capitalistes avancées, mais le taux externe d'investissements directs étrangers est plus important que pour la plupart des économies du Groupe des Sept. La concentration des investissements directs canadiens aux États‐Unis est similaire aux concentrations de plusieurs économies de l'Europe de l'ouest au sein de l'Europe. Les analyses tendent à indiquer que le Canada est une économic capitaliste ‘centrale’ et non ‘périphérique’.  相似文献   
70.
旧城更新语境下的失所现象不仅是地理维度的人口移动,还有环境剧变对个人、家庭和社区带来的深层社会心理冲击。以天津西沽南拆除为例,基于问卷调查和访谈考察了历史街区原住民的地方依恋现状及其形成机制。结果显示原住民与该地方在功能、象征、情感、社会等方面均存在依恋关系,其形成机制中的关键性因素包括家庭历史延续、日常亲切经验、邻里支持网络,以及时间和记忆的媒介作用。据此认为,旧城更新需警惕社会—空间重构对原住民造成的物质与非物质性地方剥夺,并利用人地纽带提升城市遗产的社会价值。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号