Rationality and revolution

The article deals with the political thought of the young Spanish philosopher and intellectual, José Ortega y Gasset (1883–1955). The main aim is to examine to what extent his political thought was articulated in a systematic manner, and to understand if it was meant to be practically implemented. Ortega's political thought has been described as liberal on the one hand, and anti-democratic and conservative on the other. The disparities regarding Ortega's politics usually arise from his declarations, which aimed to confront the changing social and political situation in Spain. To many researchers, these declarations seem incoherent, evolutionary, or ideas that can be directly deduced from the evolution of his philosophical theory. The extent to which Ortega's political theory was systematic will be understood through focusing on the role designed for the Spanish intellectuals in Ortega's declarations and works. Instead of considering his political thought in relation to either his philosophy or the political events and changing circumstances in Spain, I will attempt to examine how, during the years of his youth, his political declarations were always guided by a consistent feature with a practical political purpose: to challenge the Spanish intellectuals to promote social awareness of and reflection on the country's problems, and to consider potential solutions to these problems.     

Conceiving the Republic of Mankind: The Political Thought of Anacharsis Cloots

During the French Revolution, Jean-Baptiste “Anacharsis” Cloots (1755–1794) developed a theory of the world state as the means to guarantee perpetual peace for mankind. Though his ideas have largely been misunderstood, Cloots's political writings were in fact an extensive plea for a more cosmopolitan understanding of the French Revolution. His system adapted institutions and concepts of the French revolutionary republic for a world state, the republic of mankind. This essay recovers his political vision and connects it both to the heritage of eighteenth-century political thought, especially Rousseau, and to revolutionary political culture. The goal is to retrieve the meaning of Cloots's universal republic, and with it a chapter in the history of cosmopolitan thought.     

The British Left in the Problems of Peace Lectures, 1926–38: Diversity that E.H. Carr Ignored

The proceedings of the Problems of Peace conferences held annually at the League of Nations headquarters in Geneva from 1926 to 1938 included lectures from an array of ideological positions. Some contributors were from the Left, ranging from moderate liberal socialists to the more firmly anti-capitalist thinkers. Those of the latter category presented challenges to the existing international order, holding views that bore some affinities to E.H. Carr's beliefs. They were, however, unlike Carr, committed to liberal-democratic processes as a means to change. Nevertheless, in the turbulent environment of the inter-war years optimism gave way to anxiety among many on the Left. A wider division between the moderate and more radical British democratic socialists emerged. Some thinkers repositioned themselves within the broader Left. These different positions and shifts are evident in the Problems of Peace lectures, and this helps expose the limitations of Carr's binary utopianism/realism division of inter-war international thought. A weakness of the socialists in question is that the demands for change are conventional and thus undeveloped where the real have-not peoples of the empires are concerned. Nevertheless, by ignoring the lectures Carr neglected diversity and innovation in the internationalism of the British inter-war Left.     

‘Each fantasy chosen begin’: the music of The Divine Comedy

This article considers the cultural and social context for the music of the Northern Irish band The Divine Comedy. It focuses on three mid-1990s albums – Liberation (1993), Promenade (1994) and Casanova (1996) – and debates the significance of this performance of alternative Ulster masculinity during the peace process. It will detail the lyrical obsession with a very particular type of imagined Anglo-Irishness during the first two of these albums, and then consider the complicated uses of the ‘Britpop’ genre in Casanova. This music is baroque, literary and written by an Anglican bishop's son, Neil Hannon, who grew up in Enniskillen during the Troubles. It will consider how Hannon cobbles together an acceptable identity through the use of literary pretentiousness and a carefully crafted pop persona.     

Visions of reconciliation: Longley,Heaney and the Greeks

At the heart of myth is negotiation, as the inner world comes to terms with external conditions. Many contemporary Irish poets have turned to mythical material in order to explore how, as Derek Mahon suggested, a good poem could be a paradigm of good politics. This essay explores the ways in which Seamus Heaney and Michael Longley have used ancient Greek myths to bring a hopeful light against seemingly intractable political problems, in line with the principle of third-party intervention, or the deus ex machina that prevents further misunderstanding. Translation opens up entrenched perspectives, forcing the self, in unfamiliar situations, to face the reality of the other, and to consider the other's perceptions and needs. This intervention aims for reconciliation, whether between individuals, social groups, individual and state, or between the living and the dead, and it reveals that reconciliation is always an approximation that must be continually fought for.     

台海两岸在军事安全领域谋求和平的历史启示

新中国成立至今,台海两岸虽然没有统一,但在军事安全领域存在着一些相互知会、心照不宣的默契,各自形成了一些自我约束的习惯做法,这也是台海两岸在绝大部分时间里没有发生战争的重要原因。坚持一个中国原则,善于搁置争议、尽最大努力争取和平,严格限定军事行动目标,加强对军事要素的有效控制,以及保持沟通联系、避免相互隔绝是这些默契形成的基础,也是当前推进建立台海两岸军事安全互信机制必须汲取的历史经验。     

Popular consent and foreign policy choices: war against the Philippines and covert action in Chile

It is usually assumed that US policy makers need to generate popular consent in order to undertake regime change against another state. This article explores the ways in which contextual factors such as the joint democracy effect, popular values and public moods influenced efforts by elites in the United States to generate popular consent for regime change in the Philippines and Chile. Against the backdrop of the Vietnam War, the United States undertook covert action in Chile due to public recognition of the target state's democratic credentials and a public mood opposed to further military ventures. In contrast, the absence of a strong joint democracy effect, a national mood infused with romantic nationalism qua militarism and social Darwinism facilitated efforts by US elites to generate consent for the invasion and occupation of the Philippines. Subsequently, this article contributes to understandings of the domestic-level factors that influence foreign policy decisions.     

从积极和平到消极和平——满洲危机与美国和平运动的转折(1931-1933)

九·一八事变后,美国的和平团体试图通过一战后建立的国际和平机制来维护远东的和平。他们要求美国政府与国联合作援引国际公约,利用世界舆论的谴责以及联合制裁的方式遏制日本侵略者。但最终的事实证明,和平机制根本无力阻止日本的侵略和维护远东的和平,国联和国际和平条约的公信力也因而丧失殆尽。在满洲危机的沉重打击下,美国和平运动的主流理念逐渐从维护世界和平退缩到固守本土安全,从支持国际合作转向坚守严格中立。满洲危机导致美国和平运动的目标发生了重大转折,即从建立积极的和平转向追求消极的和平。     

A Picture and a Protest: Kjartan Slettemark and the Vietnam War

In given circumstances, art can play a crucial role in motivating people to participate in altruistic acts of protest and in initiating the formation of social movements. The story of the most controversial work of art in Norwegian cultural history, the so-called Vietnam Picture from 1965, provides an illuminating illustration of how and why artists and their work can have and have had a significant impact on peace and solidarity movements. The article discusses the qualities of artistic production and its reception that can stimulate and sustain protest. Picasso’s Guernica provides an interesting parallel to the Vietnam Picture, and the two pictures are briefly compared.     

Regulating commercial public service broadcasting: a case study of the marketization of Norwegian media policy

This article looks at the issues facing the regulation of commercial public service broadcasting in Norway. A document analysis of the 2010 renegotiation process to renew TV 2’s public service licence illuminates how a general marketization affects the regulation of the television sector. This process comments on Hallin and Mancini’s model of democratic corporatism in the Nordic countries regarding the power of the state to regulate private media enterprises as cultural institutions. As such, the process of commercialization should include not only the broadcasting sector, but also the political sector. As part of a solution to retain TV 2’s licence agreement, the government effectively had to re‐regulate the cable distribution sector. This case study demonstrates not only the enduring strength and value of the public service institution in a political context, but also the extent to which regulation is guided by technical and economic forces to sustain democratic considerations.