韩国五四新文化运动思想研究--以陈独秀思想为主的考察

本文旨在帮助中国学者了解韩国学界对五四新文化运动的研究状况.韩国学者一般分三个时期来理解五四新文化运动思想:第一,新文化运动的黎明期;第二,新文化运动初期;第三,新文化运动展开期.他们根据每个时期不同的思想给予不同的评价.韩国学者为了更好地理解和评价每个时期的思想,使用了更详细的几个认识范畴:第一时期使用了反帝反封建运动、民族产业的发展与民众意识的成长以及对中国社会状况的认识;第二时期使用了进化论思想、民主主义与科学;第三时期使用了批判儒家思想、反对孔教运动和文学革命.一般而言,他们大多用儒教批判、孔教批判、偶像破坏论、进化论、民主主义思想和科学思想对五四新文化运动进行评价,这些评价可以给中国学者的研究提供新的视角.     

和平队的历史文化渊源

和平队创建于20世纪60年代肯尼迪政府时期,它是作为一个对外志愿援助机构的面目出现的.之所以在美国出现这样一个援外志愿者组织,除了肯尼迪政府对美国对外政策的调整的现实考虑,更主要是美国具有和平队所提倡的历史文化传统,如美国社会广泛存在的志愿者精神、美国历史上形成的边疆传统和拓荒者精神以及往届政府的政策实践等.     

民主革命时期中共"地委"组织考论

民主革命时期的中共地委组织是党的组织体系中的一个重要组织层级和管理机构。它经历了一个从初创、探索到重建、全面发展和基本定型的历史过程。在初创和探索时期(1921～1927),地委组织从制度上看呈逐渐严密、从设置上看呈逐渐增多的特点,而总的看,地委的组织层级地位尚不明确,地委的设置从全国的组织体系看还表现为临时性和不稳定性。在重建、全面发展和基本定型时期(1938—1949),地委组织确立了省(边区)和县之间一个地方层级的地位,地委的组织制度在早期探索的基础上逐渐完备和定型,地委在全国的地方党的组织体系中的组织和层级地位在法律上(党的章程及有关文件)和实践上得以确立。     

关于南京临时政府的性质问题

南京临时政府中的“立宪派”、“旧官僚”都是他们未参加革命以前的身份。武昌起义以后,他们分别放弃了君主立宪主张,投入革命行列;宣布独立光复,脱离清朝政府,加入民国军政府。他们与革命党人和其他革命志士一起组成了革命统一阵线。南京临时政府就是这革命统一阵线的革命政府,并且是按照同盟会《军政府宣言》和《临时政府组织大纲》的规定建立起来的行政、立法二权分立的民主共和政体,并奠定了向行政、立法、司法三权分立政体过渡的法律基础。其职能也发生了根本的转化,从封建专制统治转化为现代国家公共事务管理的文明政府。     

汪精卫对日求和的政治环境及其思想脉络

汪精卫对于抗战从悲观失望发展为公开主和,有其思想演变的脉络,也有促成其思想演变的国际、国内环境。汪精卫反对国民党采取"远交近攻"的外交战略,不信任英美对中国抗战的援助,并在日本与苏联之间,选择了亲日、反苏。汪不相信国民党能在既反日、又不依附苏联、也得不到英美支持的情况下,建立起一个独立自主的国家。并坚信他的求和主张能在政军两界激起普遍"回响"。这是他不惜离渝而对日求和的根本原因。     

Issue competition between Green and social democratic parties in majoritarian settings: the case of Australia

The emergence of green parties has injected new lines of competition into national party systems, with discernible issue competition effects for established, ideologically-proximate social democratic parties. Despite a burgeoning literature on green and social democratic issue competition tactics in settings where coalition government is common, we have less understanding of these same effects in settings where majority government is the norm. Using the case of the Australian Greens and the Australian Labor Party, we explore issue competition dynamics in a polity where the majoritarian electoral system reduces opportunities for coalition formation. We find that the absence of strong electoral imperatives for either party to enter coalitions has encouraged them to compete adjacent to one another, rather than in direct competition.     

The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Building the Future Palestine

A Palestinian geographer and urban planner discusses one of the territorial challenges that will likely emerge in the process of building a future Palestinian state. More specifically, he outlines how looming population pressures (high density in tandem with rapid natural increase and return of displaced refugees) will require that investments to support economic growth and new construction be organized within a national settlement system based on the existing urban hierarchy. In addition to describing the elements of such a system ("developed urban axis of Palestine"), the paper also covers the effects of public opinion and shifting political alignments within the territories on shaping the conceptualization of a future Palestinian state.     

党的第三代领导集体对民主集中制建设的丰富和发展

党的第三代中央领导集体高举邓小平理论伟大旗帜,领导全党在全面推进中国特色社会主义伟大事业的进程中,把党内民主建设作为党的建设的灵魂,把党内制度建设作为党的建设的核心,进一步丰富和发展了党的民主集中制理论。     

Powerful State,Powerless Mediator: The United States and the Peace Efforts of the Palestine Conciliation Commission, 1949–51

The Arab–Israeli War of 1948 produced complex questions that needed to be solved to obtain peace. Whereas the Arab states suffered humiliating defeats, Israel was the undisputed winner, expanding and solidifying its power. For the Palestinians, the outcome was catastrophic. Between 600,000 and 760,000 Palestinians fled, becoming refugees on the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and in surrounding Arab states. Palestinian society collapsed and Palestine became divided between Israel, Egypt, and Jordan, leaving the borders undecided. The Palestinians’ dreams of statehood were crushed. After the war, Israel used diplomacy to achieve its goals, defending the post-war status quo to preserve its expanded territory and resisting the return of Palestinian refugees. Through its membership in the Palestine Conciliation Commission (PCC), established by the United Nations (UN) in 1948 to solve these problems, the United States was deeply involved in the negotiations. The United States became the informal, yet undisputed leader of the PCC, thus, it would seem, empowering it with the muscles of a superpower. After three years of struggling for peace the PCC had toadmit failure. Knowledge about these negotiations gives important insights into how mediators approached the conflict and shows that power asymmetry may explain why the belligerents could not obtain peace.