排序方式： 共有156条查询结果，搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
Isabella Walser-Bürgler 《The Seventeenth century》2021,36(1):3-31
ABSTRACT The Peace Treaties of Münster and Osnabrück ended the Thirty Years’ War in 1648. While scholarship is still divided between sceptics and supporters regarding the actual impact of the Westphalian Peace on the international order in Europe, let alone the concept of continental community, this article seeks to tackle the issue from an original perspective. A close study of the language and rhetoric employed in the two Latin Instrumenta Pacis Westphalicae reveals the underlying ideas which can be seen in the discourse of Europe and continental identity. 相似文献
102.
Carl Eric Scott 《Perspectives on Political Science》2019,48(1):1-2
Carl Eric Scott introduces the symposium. He argues that Scalia's legacy will be a highly significant one and will center on his articulation of the interpretive theory of originalism and his related defense of constitutionally channeled democratic say. 相似文献
103.
Stella Ghervas 《国际历史评论》2017,39(3):404-425
Over the course of the eighteenth century, two major models of European international order emerged as alternatives to universal monarchy: one was based on the balance of power; the other centred on the idea of perpetual peace. This article traces each back to its origins in debates around the moment of the Peace of Utrecht in 1713. In particular, it examines the evolution of the doctrine of balance of power in early eighteenth-century English political thought and then as a legal principle incorporated into the Treaty of Utrecht, before proceeding to the counter-proposal in the form of the Abbé de Saint-Pierre's Plan of Perpetual Peace and the objections it raised. It then shows how Saint-Pierre's paradigm of a league of European states found (albeit in altered form) its way into the Treaty of the Holy Alliance (1815) proposed by Tsar Alexander I after the defeat of Napoleon. It concludes by highlighting the fundamental soundness of the idea of European league, as well as the flaws inherent in the early model of Saint-Pierre. 相似文献
104.
Jonathon S. Kahn 《Political Theology》2017,18(2):137-156
Democratic faith may seem like an ill-advised concept when the ills of democratic life are so glaring. This article claims that it is possible, even necessary, to recover and reinvigorate a notion of democratic faith that grapples with the flaws and intractabilities of the democratic condition. Conceived of as a virtue that inhabits uncertainty, I argue that democratic faith is well-tailored for democratic exchanges — particularly those involved in the risky business of building trust among citizens. Democratic faith's temporal orientation in the present girds the activist for the spade-work of democratic life, where future success often seems unlikely. On these terms, democratic faith can be distinguished from democratic hope. Jeffrey Stout's recent work exemplifies both hope and faith as democratic virtues, however Stout neglects the language of faith in favor of hope. I argue that Stout and other activists should consider the ways that democratic faith speaks to the dogged persistence required to face the dispiriting conditions of democratic life. 相似文献
105.
AbstractPrevious research suggests that tourism has a role to play in challenging the destructive dominant narratives of the Israeli-Palestinian context – discourses that traditionally have, and still do, revolve around sectarianism, Othering and violence. Our case study focuses on a hostel in the Palestinian city of Ramallah that boldly attempts to challenge the way tourists view the Israeli-Palestinian context and Palestine as a tourism destination. We examine how the hostel attempts to achieve this and the ways in which being a hostel (as opposed to a hotel) helps its guests with this reframing through in-depth qualitative interviews conducted on-site with members of the hostel management and staff, and through participant observation conducted by the researchers in Ramallah. Findings shed light on the hostel’s ability to enable Israelis and Palestinians to cooperate within tourism, and how Palestine has much more to offer tourists than conflict-related tourism, thus challenging the master narratives of the region which have suggested quite the contrary. A key finding is the hostel's on-going attempt to remove ignorance about the situation in the region and promote fact-based learning. The results also suggest that the very characteristics of a hostel assist in achieving this mission through the intimate interactions that are inherent in a hostel setting. Hostels can, therefore, be part of a wider approach to ensuring tourism is used to promote alternative, positive narratives of contested space, as opposed to promoting division and externalising the conflict, as is so often the case. 摘要之前的研究表明, 旅游业在挑战以色列-巴勒斯坦背景下的破坏性主导叙事方面可以发挥作用——这些话语传统上想来围绕宗派主义、异己和暴力展开, 现在依然如此。我们的案例研究集中在巴勒斯坦城市拉马拉的一家青年旅社, 它大胆地尝试挑战游客看待巴以关系和巴勒斯坦作为旅游目的地的方式。我们通过在现场深入访谈青年旅社管理人员与员工,以及通过由拉马拉研究人员的参与观察, 研究了该旅社试图实现这一目标的方式, 以及在这一新框架下该旅社是如何帮助客人的。调查结果有助于了解该青年旅社有能力使以色列和巴勒斯坦人在旅游业内进行合作, 以及巴勒斯坦向游客提供的服务如何远远超过与冲突有关的旅游, 从而挑战了该地区的主流叙述, 而这些叙述的观点恰恰与实际相反。一个关键的发现是, 青年旅社正在努力消除对该地区情况的无知, 并促进基于事实的学习。研究结果亦显示, 青年旅舍的特色有助于透过旅舍环境所固有的亲密互动来达成这一使命。因此, 青年旅舍可以成为一种更广泛的方法的一部分, 以确保旅游业被用来促进对有争议的空间的替代的、积极的叙述, 而不是像通常情况那样促进分裂和将冲突外部化。 相似文献
106.
党员是党内民主的主体,党员队伍的民主素质决定党内民主的实现和发展程度,党内民主制度的制定和实施也只有在党员民主素质全面提高的基础上才能收到预期的效果,这就决定了提高党员民主素质是进一步发展党内民主的基础工作。新时期,提高党员民主素质的重点是增强党员民主意识。只有进一步肃清封建残余思想的影响、改善党内民主生活氛围、加强党内民主制度建设,党员民主素质才能得到切实提高。 相似文献
107.
民主集中制是党和国家的根本领导制度。首长负责制是针对原有领导体制和工作机制中出现的弊端而提出的一种以部门首长为核心的政府和企事业单位的领导制度。本从两种领导制度存有的弊端方面分析了首长负责制与民主集中制的关系,认为把首长负责制理解为国家机构的领导体制和工作机制,是对民主集中制根本领导制度的健全和完善,对于贯彻党的十六届四中全会精神、改革和完善党和国家的领导制度具有重要意义。 相似文献
108.
关于社会主义改造问题的再评价 总被引：9，自引：0，他引：9
社会主义改造是我国经济战线上的社会主义革命,是生产关系方面由私有制到公有制的一场伟大的变革,是中国几千年来最伟大、最深刻的社会变革。党和国家提出进行社会主义改造是为了适应实现国家工业化这个任务的需要;新民主主义社会具有过渡性质,中共中央提出的过渡时期的总路线正是反映了这种情况,反映了历史的必然性。科学地评价社会主义改造,必须划清马克思主义与庸俗生产力论的界限;衡量社会主义改造是非得失的主要标准应当是看生产关系的变革对生产力的发展起促进作用还是起阻碍作用。 相似文献
109.
要充分发扬党内民主,是贯穿陈云革命人生的一个重要主张。他认为无产阶级政党 应当是最有纪律的党,也是最讲民主的党。在执政条件下坚持和发扬党内民主,是防止官僚主义、 保证党的正确领导和推进人民民主的重要条件。党内民主,就是要有正常的党内生活。要正确理解 和处理民主制与集中制的关系;要尊重和保证党员的民主权利;要有积极而健康的批评和自我批 评;健全党内民主,要有制度保证。陈云的党内民主思想具有重要的理论价值和现实指导意义。 相似文献
110.
2001年江泽民同志“七一”讲话之后,加入民主党派的私营企业主不仅在数量上增加,而且在素质和层次上有了明显提高。私营企业主积极加入民主党派,其动因有以下几个方面:有利于个人社会价值的实现;有助于自己政治资本的增加;有益于自身综合素养的提升。私营企业主加入民主党派已经并在将来可能对中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度产生影响。 相似文献